Appendix

Appendix The Historical Sources * Since the Indians had no writing, we do not possess any docu ment written in the language that was spoken on the Andean plateau at the time of the Spanish conquest. The first chroniclers reproduced as best they could in their own language the sounds that they heard. As a result, we find the same word 'written in three or four different ways-which does not help to make our investiga tions any easier. 1 Modern authors have themselves adopted some times one spelling and sometimes another with the utmost capri ciousness. There is, of course, an international phonetic system,2 but it makes for difficult reading, and we have decided not to make use of it. We shall use instead the traditional and standard Spanish spelling. In the absence of written documents, the Spaniards could be taught only by word of mouth. The Indians had, to be sure, a kind of aide-memoire, the quipu,3 made of knotted cords, of which we have spoken in chapter 9, but it was only a very imperfect instru ment. By the use of it, however, the official historians of the em pire at the time of the Incas kept a record of past events and trans mitted it to their successors. We know that, in addition, every province had its local historians, although we cannot say precisely whether these were special functionaries or merely tribal chiefs.

Sarmiento de Gamboa tells how the Inca Pachacutec called all these historians together in the capital, questioned them at some length, and had the principal events of the reigns of his ancestors .. [This formed the first chapter of the French original.-EDIToR.] 232 Appendix 233 painted on great gold-trimmed tablets, which he placed in a hall of the temple of the Sun, where only he himself and the learned men he designated might enter; then he made several Indians re sponsible for the care of this new kind of library.4 How inadequate this system of documentation was, is evident from the fact that at the time of the Spanishconquestthe Indians themselves had completely forgotten the existence of the older civilizations that have since been brought to light by the excava tions of archaeologists at Tiahuanaco in Bolivia, Huamachuco in Peru, and Chordeleg in Ecuador. Yet there is nothing astonishing in this. The collective memory of nations rarely goes back more than two or three hundred years;5 and the knotted cords are prob ably of fairly recent date, inasmuch as they are not found in tombs that antedate the last centuries. 6 Even if, in agreement with Mark ham, we acknowledge that the Indians had an excellent memory,7 it is hardly to be supposed that they had any knowledge of events before the coming of the Incas.

Besides this historical record, the knowledge of which was re served solely to the elite, and which was taught to them in the schools of Cuzco, as we have seen, there was another history, some what different, which was popularized by the official poets whose duty it was to compose lays and recite them on festival days. The chroniclers tell us that at the death of a sovereign a council of high officials and learned men would be held to examine the life of the late ruler. If it was considered to have been of benefit to the em pire, the council would call upon the poets to give permanent form to the memory of the dead monarch's deeds so that they could be handed down to posterity. If the contrary judgment 'was reached, only the name of the sovereign would be cited, without comment. No official history was ever compiled with greater severity. Once the elite had pronounced their verdict, the memory of the Inca was either preserved or blotted out. Henceforth the people would remain in ignorance of those of their masters who had not known how to live up to the high demands of their position. Oblivion was the punishment imposed upon deeds that were deemed evil, though no Indian had the right to speak ill of the leader who had committed them" even when he was dead.

234 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru For example, the Inca Urco, found guilty of cowardice in having fled before the Chancas, was dethroned, and his reign was thence forth treated with silence by the Indians. 8 It was an ingenious method of offering posterity a list of sovereigns worthy of admira tion. If we adopted a similar system in our day, contemporary his tory would be amazingly abridged. 9 Thus, two separate historical records were juxtaposed in Peru: one documented, but kept secret; the other, expurgated for popu lar consumption. But this is not all. The Indians were fully questioned by the European conquerors, but they did not always furnish satisfactory answers, for they often remained confused in their explanations, and they knew very well how to keep silent about anything that they wished to concea1.10 We know, for example, that the Span iards, who wanted to get hold of mercury for the treatment of silver, discovered by chance-and not until 1563-the mines of Huancavelica, which were known to the natives. 11 Consequently, we must correct and complete the information given us by European writers by calling frequently upon both archaeology and ethnology.

Even though the sixteenth-and seventeenth-century chronicles continue to be the most valuable sources of preColumbian history in South America, it is nevertheless important to indicate at the outset the attitude with which the study of them should be ap proached. No doubt the Spaniards found it very difficult to understand a people so different from themselves, and we have to take this fact into consideration. We shall thereby avoid both unjust criticism of the Peruvian institutions that the chroniclers were at a loss to explain and sweeping judgments unfair to the chroniclers them selves. We should recall, for example, that agrarian communities existed in Spain at the time of the conquest and that the con querors, therefore, must have perfectly understood their signifi cance in Peru. The Inca system of statistics and apportionment, on the contrary, was completely unknown to the Spaniards. In this respect it should be noted that there were essential differences among the historians according to the extent of their own knowl ...

Appendix 235 edge. The rough soldier or the credulous monk could not evaluate social institutions in the same way as the jurist who served as cor regidor of Cuzco or PotosI. We must, then, assign to every writer a coefficient of education. But this education is itself not 'without its disadvantages. So consuming is the passion of certain authors for makingcomparisonswith the Greeksand the Romansthat it some times distorts their judgment. It is futile to attempt to measure the civilization of South America by the standards applied to the civilized peoples of the Mediterranean. 12 To the handicaps born of lack of understanding must be added those which spring from the writer's personal feelings. Passionate religious, political, and social convictions have always been sources of error, in the past as well as today. We must classify both ancient and modern authors according to their bias and keep constantly in mind the position occupied by each. Some, like Sarmiento, Abbe de Pauw, and Ricardo Cappa, are favorably disposed toward the Spanish "agents of civilization" and hostile to the Incas, whom they regard as "Indian tyrants." Others, like Benzoni or Las Casas, are hostile to the Spanish "destroyers" and favorably inclined toward the "Indian martyrs." Still others, like Hanstein, given an anticler ical turn to their antagonism toward the Spaniards. A number of writers, moreover, characterizing the Inca empire as socialist, sys tematically extol or censure all Peruvian institutions according as they themselves may be advocates or adversaries of socialism.

Finally, it must not be forgotten that among the first chroniclers some, like Garcilaso de la Vega, are supporters of the legitimate Inca, Huascar; and others, like Santa Cruz Pachacuti and Cavello Balboa, take the side of his opponent, Atahualpa. 13 We shall thus have to assign to every historian a second coefficient: the coefficient of veracity. In spite of their divergent views, most of the authors copied one another, and it would be possible to arrange them in a picturesque classification by attaching each work to the preceding work that served as almost its sole source. We should thus obtain chains in which the original work constituted the first link. For example, most of the eighteenth-century writers, among whom Marmontel is the most famous, find their inspiration almost exclusively in 236 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru Garcilaso, who himself made use of BIas Valera, whose manuscript has been lost. In the same fashion, several writers on Ecuador copy Velasco, who avers that he has borrowed largely from Marcos de Niza, whose work is also lost. This classification could be extended to include modern authors, but with the difference that the latter mention the ancient writers whom they take as their guides, whereas the Spanish chroniclers did not take the trouble to do this and made a principle of plagiarism. In the works of some of them one may find entire passages "lifted" from their predecessors with out any credit given to the source. Herrera reproduces fragments from Ondegardo and Cieza de Leon without citing these 'writers; and the researcher, who thinks for a moment that he has found a new fountainhead of material, realizes with vexation that he is still drinking from the same stream. It is thus that one is sometimes surprised to discover in works of the twentieth century errors which go back to the sixteenth and which have been faithfully reproduced by a whole series of narrators.

Finally, this vertical classification could be completed by a hori zontal classification, since each author is linked not only with his precursors, but also with his contemporaries and is borne with them on the same wave as it rises and falls. Everyone, as a matter of fact, comes under the influence of his time,and the cyclical move ment manifested in all branches of human activity does not spare history. After an era of enthusiasm which, in the non-Spanish coun tries of Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, ex alted the Incas to the skies, came a period of criticism at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, dur ing which they were judged very severely indeed. At the same time, certain of the earlier writers, hitherto considered excellent, were relegated to second rank, while others, who had been held suspect, enjoyed a new authority. Today Garcilaso is down and Montesinos is up.

There is in all these movements a great element of exaggeration. ,We have followed the principle that no work) however suspect) should be rejected a priori. Each one may contain some part of the truth. We must therefore take account of all that these works indiApp'endix 237 cate or suggest, while being careful to weigh them in conformity with the general ideas we have mentioned. 14 Among the bibliographies relating to South America, we give first place to the Bibliography of the Anthropology of Peru by G. Dorsey (Chicago, 1898) and the Biblioteca hispano-americana of J. Toribio Medina (Santiago de Chile, 1898). The latter work restates and com pletes the information contained in the Biblioteca americana of Le6n Pinelo (1807), the Biblioteca americana vetustissima of H. Harrisse (1866-72), and the Biblioteca peruana of Rene Moreno (1896). As bibliographies of secondary rank, we cite the Catalogue des ouvrages relatifs a l'Amerique of Ternaux-Compans (Paris, 1837), the Biblio theca americana of J. Sabin (New York, 1868), the bulletin Ameri cana (Paris, 1876-1901, but continued since 1888 by the Bibliophile americain), and the still unfinished Bibliographie peruvienne of C. A.

Pret (Paris, 1903).15 There is also the very incomplete Biblioteca americana of Leclerc (Paris, 1878). More recent are the Bibliography of Peru (1526-1907) by Sir Clements Markham, which appears at the end of the English translation of Sarmiento de Gamboa's history (Hakluyt Collection, 1907) and the "Bibliographie americaniste" pub lished in each number of the Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris. The best are the Biblioteca andina of Philip Ainsworth Means (New Haven, 1928), The Economic Literature of Latin A merica in two volumes (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1935-36), R. Vargas Ugarte's Historia del Peru; Fuentes (Lima, 1939), and R. Porras Barrenechea's Fuentes historicas peruanas (Lima, 1955). The most important manuscripts that have come down to us. have been published, some as separate works and others in collections. Among the latter we may call particular attention to the "Colecci6n de documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizaci6n de las antiguas posesiones espafiolas de America y Oceania, sacados de los Archivos del Reino y muy especialmente del de Indias" in sixty-six volumes (Madrid, 1864-84),16 the "Colecci6n de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana" in one hundred nine teen volumes (Madrid, 1842), the "Coleccion de libros espafioles raros 6 curiosos" in twenty-four volumes, and the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentesa la historia del Peru" in two series, consisting of twenty-two volumes. Several of the works of the first Spanish chron iclers have been collected in the four volumes of the "Historiadores 238 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru primltlvos de Indias" that form part of the "Biblioteca de autores espaiioles," the publication of which was begun in Madrid in 1846.17 In grouping by categories the books and authors that have served as sources for the present work, we shall follow in the main a chrono logical order.

1. Eyewitnesses of the Inca Empire: the Period of the Conquest It is only rarely that the first Spanish chroniclers provide us with information of an economic character, but what we do find must be regarded as very important. The conquistadors were primarily pre· occupied with military affairs, and their writings consist for the most part of actual campaign diaries, filled with superficial descriptions of towns, reports of battles, and lists of spoils. But when they set down an observation that is interesting to us, we must hold it to be accurate precisely because they did not understand its significance and had nothing to gain by leading us into error. For example, we must accept it as a fact-since they state it on several occasions-that they came upon toll bridges, even though the toll system implies an economic organization that is hard to reconcile with socialist centralization and the absence of trade.

Some ruthless critics, nevertheless, in order to give their own opinions the appearance of stronger support, have contended that the conquerors allowed themselves to be carried away by excessive en thusiasm, that they indulged in gross exaggerations, and took huts for palaces, trails for highways, and mud villages for imperial cities. Archaeology has undertaken to prove that this was not the case and that even the description of the treasures glimpsed in the temples was not a dream. Besides, is it to be assumed that so many chroniclers could all have entered into collusion to repeat the same errors and that jurists of the time of the viceroys, charged with the task of investigating the Inca empire, could have gathered in the different provinces identi cal data that would all turn out to be false? Abbe Raynal, with-to use his own words-"a skepticism sometimes excessive," has treated the ac counts dealing with the Incas as fables; but could the "Spanish brigands" have invented fables so well contrived? 18 The first Europeans to behold the strange Empire of the Sun were Pizarro and his companions.

Francisco de Jerez, of Seville, Pizarro's secretary, set out from San Lucar in January, 1519, at the age of fifteen, entered Peru at the conApp'endix 239 quistador's side, fought bravely, and was present when Atahualpa was taken captive at Cajamarca. In 1534 he returned to Seville, where he wrote the account of his sojourn in the New World under the title Verdadera relaci6n de la conquista del Peru y provincia del Cuzco~ llamada fa Nueva Castilla~ conquistada por Francisco Pizarro. It was published in the same year and appears as Volume XXVI in the "Biblioteca de autores espafioles" and as Volume II (Madrid, 1853) in the series entitled "Historiadores primitivos de Indias." This work is of the greatest interest from the point of view of historical fact, but for our purposes there is not much to be gleaned from it.19 It includes the account given by another soldier in the conquering army, Miguel de Estete, who, with a handful of men, and under the orders of his leader, was the first to make his way along the coast of Peru and enter the famous temple of Pachacamac. Estete has a special place in his tory, since it was he who seized the Inca at Cajamarca and wrested from him the insignia of empire. The complete text of his account is to be found in the Boletin de la Sociedad ecuatoriana de estudios historicos americanos for 1918.

The brief manuscript of Juan de Samanos, which was discovered in the Imperial Library at Vienna, also deserves to be placed at the be ginning of this list of primary sources, for it deals with the first Spanish expeditions on the Peruvian coast.20 Very short also, but important, is a letter from Hernando Pizarro, dated November, 1533: "Carta a los magnificos senores, los senores oidores de la Audiencia real de S. M., que reside en la ciudad de Sto. Domingo." It has been translated into English as "Letter to the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo, November, 1533" and appears in Reports on the Discovery of Peru (London: Hakluyt Society Publication No. 47, 1872), pp. 11-127.21 Cristobal de Molina, who first followed Pizarro to Peru and then Almagro to Chile, lived at Cuzco and Lima, left for Santiago de Chile in 1556, and died in 1578. Around 1552 he wrote a "Relacion de la conquista y poblacion del Peru," which has been published in our time in the series of books entitled "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru," but it contains little information of interest to us.

Juan de Betanzos, on the contrary, who came to America with Fran cisco Pizarro, has been of great assistance to us. Married to a sister of Atahualpa, speaking the Quechua language, official interpreter for the government, he has left a Suma y narraci6n de los Incas que los indios 240 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru llamaron Capaccuna~ que fueron Senores de la Ciudad del Cuzco y de todo lo d ella subjeto~ a very lively, but unfortunately incomplete, his tory of ancient Peru, dated 1551, and published in Madrid in 1880 as Volume V of the "Biblioteca hispano-ultramarina." Pedro Sancho de la Hoz followed Jerez as Pizarro's secretary and official chronicler of the conquest. His account forms a sequel to that of his predecessor and was finished at Jauja on July 15, 1534.22 Pub lished in Volume V of the "Coleccion de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru" (Lima, 1917),=11= it contains a frequently quoted description of Cuzco, but it is of little interest to us.

The same may be said for the narrative of Pedro Pizarro, who is primarily concerned with events that occurred after the conquest. 23 Marcos de Niza, a Franciscan, born in Nice, is, to use the phrase of Philip Ainsworth Means, a semimythical personage, for his work on the preColumbian history of Quito, mentioned by Father Velasco, has been lost. 2. Post-Conq uest Arrivals: the Era of Transition These are the writers who came to Peru immediately after the conquest and thus did not behold the Inca empire in all its splendor, but who saw its remains. There are only five names on the list: four Spaniards and one Italian. Agustin de Zarate, who was sent to Peru about 1543 as "Treasurer of the Crown," returned to Spain about 1549 and wrote his narrative in secret; he did not have it published until 1555 in Antwerp.24 The author details the customs of the natives with kindliness, but he did not know the Quechua language, and his work remains extremely super ficial.

Pedro de Cieza de Leon is certainly one of the most illustrious among the chroniclers of Latin America. Although he visited the empire very shortly after the conquest, we cannot include him among those who actually saw it. What he describes are already the ruins left by the Spaniards, and he remark~ that in the space of a few years the ap pearance of the country had changed. He is, in fact, the painter of that period which we call the transition, between the era of the great initial struggles against the Indians and against the Spaniards them... [It has been translated and edited by P. A. Means under the title An Account of the Conquest of Peru (New York: Cortes Society, 1917).-EDITOR.] Appendix 241 selves and that of the systematic organization of the colony under the viceroys. A native of Seville who left Spain at the age of fifteen, Cieza traveled through the New World as a common soldier for seventeen years, and he has left us a work of amazing richness, the Cronica del Peru in three parts. The first part-finished about 1550, at the time of the author's return to Spain, and pUblished in 1553 in Seville and 1554 in Antwerp -consists of an extremely detailed and exact description of the route taken by the writer from the north to the south of the empire.* All the villages, all the centers of supplies, all the roads are mentioned; even the distances from town to town are carefully noted. It is a veritable Baedeker of the Peru of that day. The second part, long unknown, and wrongly attributed by Prescott to Sarmiento, is a historical and social study of the Incas. It was published only in 1880 as Volume V of the "Biblioteca hispano-ultramarina" (Madrid) and has served as one of our principal sources. ** The third part, which appeared in 1877, is taken up with events that took place during the colonial period.

Cieza de Leon, who simply records what he saw and repeats what he heard, with complete disinterestedness, is one of the authors in whom we can place the greatest confidence. 2.5 Diego Fernandez de Palencia, who served in Peru in the anti-Pizarro party, published his Primera y segunda' parte de la historia del Peru in Seville in 1571. Ignorant of the Indians' language, he deals primarily with post-conquest history, making use of the reports of Pedro de la Gasca. His book is so biased that it was banned by the Council of the Indies. 26 At the end of the volume, hO'wever, Palencia sums up Inca history in a few pages, and one is surprised to discover in these brief notes original bits of information found nowhere else.27 P. Gutierrez de Santa Clara, also a soldier, was a mestizo who was born in the Indies at some time between 1518 and 1524. He served in turn under Francisco Pizarro, the viceroy Nufiez Vela, Gonzalo Pizarro, and the presiding judge La Gasca, changing his allegiance with astonishing ease, always ranging himself on the side of the victor. His book, published in Madrid in 1904 in four volumes under the title * [This has been translated into English under the title The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon) A.D. 1532-1550 (London: Hakluyt Society Publication No. 33, 1864).

-EDITOR.] ** [Translated into English under the title The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru by Sir Clements R. Markham (London: Hakluyt Society Publication No. 68, 1883).-EDIToR.] 242 A Socialist Empire: The Incas 01 Peru Historia de las guerras civiles del Peru y otros sucesos de las Indias; must have been written day by day. He left Peru for Mexico before 1590. It is indeed regrettable that he had so little curiosity about pre Columbian history, for his narrative is full of animation, his char acters are very much alive, and he has a real literary style. Unfortu nately, he devotes only a few chapters to the Incas (Vol. III, ch. xlix et seq.), and these have been of little help to US. 28 Girolamo Benzoni, a native of Milan, landed at Guayaquil in 1547, but was obliged to leave Peru three years later, when the governor, Pedro de la Gasca, decided to expel all foreigners. After spending four years of illness in Nicaragua, he returned to his native land and at Venice in 1565 published La historia del Mondo Nuovo; which was reprinted in 1572. Hostile to the Spaniards, a man of little education, but with an inquiring mind, Benzoni speaks of Peru only in the third section of his work, and even there confines himself to recounting the history of the conquest-in which he had taken no part-and making a few brief comments on the provinces he had passed through, Quito in particular. His book is illustrated with naive pictures. 29 3. Collectors of the First Reports; Not Themselves on the Scene There are a certain number of writers who did not themselves go to Peru, but who collected the records of the conquerors. Among the authors who deserve to be listed under this head the best known is Bartolome de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapas, whose name was, for several centuries, more renowned in Europe than any of the rest. The cham pion of the Indians, he stood in the minds of many generations as the very symbol of compassion and charity.so Today, when we can judge him in all impartiality, we must note, side by side with very noble and generous sentiments, a regrettable tendency to exaggeration. He al lowed himself to be carried away by emotion, and he is in great part responsible for the innumerable misconceptions in regard to the Spanish colonization in America that were and still are current in Europe. 31 By dint of representing the Indians as martyrs, the eminent ecclesiastic has succeeded in making us consider the Spaniards solely as executioners. He is sectarian, violent, and narrow-minded, and his obvious bias does great injury to the cause he is pleading. Moreover contrary to the belief long held by many32-he never went to Peru.

All his information is second-hand, and he shamelessly plagiarizes Cieza de Le6n, Cristobal de Molina, and Francisco de Jerez. Finally, he is Appendix 243 very hard to read. In addition to many repetitions and imperfections in arrangement, he insists upon interlarding his narrative with long dis sertations on Greek and Roman antiquity and with irrelevant Latin quotations. If all the French and English philosophers and historians who have in the past extolled the merits of the Bishop of Chiapas read his works attentively and took an interest in them, we must conclude that our ancestors were people of strong character ind.eed.. Las Casas' best-known work is his Brevisima relacidn de la destruy cion de las Indias~ which was presented to the Emperor in 1542 and published in 1552. It is a pamphlet full of errors, incapable of being used for any scientific work whatever. On the other hand, we have made use of his Apologetica historia sumaria~33 which appears in the "Nueva biblioteca de autores espafioles" and as Volume I of the "His toriadores de Indias" (Madrid, 1909), and from which Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada has excerpted twenty-seven chapters to form Volume XXI of the "Colecci6n de libros espaiioles raros <> curiosos"

under the title De las antiguas gentes del Peru.84 Francisco L6pez de G6mara, who was born in Castile about 1510, was a churchman, a former student at the University of Alcala, and chaplain to· Hernando Cortes. A man of cultivated and finely critical mind, he wrote a bulky volume called Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias~ which appeared in Saragossa in 1552; but he manifested such bias in favor of Cortes, upon whom he sought to heap all the glory of the conquest of Mexico, that his book was con demned by the Council of the Indies. He has an agreeable literary style, which is unusual among the chroniclers of that age, but serious mistakes have been discovered in his reports, some of which were al ready noted by Garcilaso de la Vega. His collected works appear as Volume XXII in the "Biblioteca de autores espafioles" and as Volume I of "Historiadores primitivos de Indias" (Madrid, 1852) under the title Hispania victrix in two parts: Historia general de las Indias and Conquista de Mejico. 35 Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes was born in Madrid in 1478, He left Spain as Inspector for the Crown in 1514, spent some time on Santo Domingo, and died at Valladolid in 1557. He wrote a Historia general y natural de las Indias~ islas y tierra firme del mar oceano~ which was published between 1526 and 1547. The work comprises four huge volumes, published at Madrid in 1851-55,in which the reader has considerable difficulty in orienting himsel£.36 Oviedo is a capable writer, who received a good education in his youth, and conscientious; 244 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru but, not having been to Peru himself, he does not always draw the line carefully between the true and the false in the accounts that are given to him; he accumulates observations without sorting them out; and he misuses what he remembers of his Latin, dragging in Pliny and Vergil where they have no place at all.

Antonio de Herrera, chronicler to the King of Spain, is the typical compiler. Plagiarizing brazenly from his predecessors, he wrote, in 1554, the vast Historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas i tierra firme de el mar oceano, which, divided into eight sections of ten chapters each, was published in four volumes in Madrid between 1601 and 1615.37 Finally, a little later, in 1575, a Spaniard who describes himself as chronicler of the Order of Saint Augustine, J. Roman y Zamora, brought out a two-volume work at Medina del Campo, Republicas de lndias; idolatrias y gobierno de Mexico y Peru antes de la conquista,38 which forms an interesting general study. 4. Collectors, in Peru, of Accounts by the Incas' Descendants: the Era of Colonization Here we enter upon the period of documentation and synthesis. The disturbances have come to an end, but already the world of the Incas belongs to times past. It was during the second half of the sixteenth century that Spaniards whose achievement is of greatest value carried on the first researches designed to throw light on the lost empire. In ordering official investigations, the viceroys themselves were the initiators of this great movement to enlarge the borders of knowl edge.

Garcilaso de la Vega holds first place among the historians of this period. Of mixed blood, son of a Spaniard who had come to Peru with Pedro de Alvarado and of an Indian woman of the royal family, the niece of Huayna Capac, he was born at CUlCO itself in 1539. He called himself Inca without any right to that appellation inasmuch as he was descended from the Peruvian sovereign through the female line and only male descent could authorize the use of the title. He spent his youth among the last survivors of the Incas, speaking Quechua and storing in his memory the historical accounts and the legends he heard from his grandparents. At the age of twenty he left Peru and, after several years of the active and diversified existence of a captain in the Spanish armies, he retired, about 1590, to Cordova and there wrote the Appendix 245 history of his native land under the title 39 Comentarios reaZes que tratan del origen de los Incas) reies) que fueron del Peru) de su idola tria) leies) y govierno) en paz y en guerra: de sus vidas y conquistas: y de todo 10 que fue aque1 imperio y su republica) antes que los espanoles pasaron del. * This Peruvian must indeed have had a very trustworthy memory, for he cites the names of no less than three hun dred twenty towns and is never mistaken about their location.4o To be sure, he was assisted, to a certain extent, by letters from correspondents in America, for he always kept in touch with his old friends in Cuzco; and, in addition, he had access to a manuscript, now lost, written by a Jesuit mestizo named BIas Valera, which seems to have been of great importance. 41 Garcilaso died in Spain in 1616.

Although he was long considered the greatest historian of Peru and is still in our time compared to Herodotus and Xenophon,42 his reputa tion has nevertheless suffered some decline on account of his too obvious bias. Yet we do not reproach him, as some have unthinkingly done, for having humbled himself before the conquerors and "licked the hands that slew his people." 48 To speak in this way is to show no understanding of the Indian point of view. Garcilaso was a supporter of Huascar, the legitimate son of the Inca, and looked upon the Spaniards who had dethroned the usurper Atahualpa as liberators. This Peruvian writer remains, above all, the Incas' admirer. Noone before him had spoken of them with so much enthusiasm and filial piety. He thus endeavored to throw a veil over his ancestors' deeds of cruelty, and some of what he recounts should be regarded as suspect. But his exaggerations and deliberate omissions are themselves instruc tive, for they show the state of mind of the Indians, living in perpetual nostalgia for the past. Garcilaso has the great virtue of presenting an admirable synthesis of his race, and his commentaries are indeed the "reflection of the soul of vanquished peoples." 44 His book is very long and overelaborated, but it is full of information of the greatest interest. It is easy reading, and its style is clear and simple. On the other hand, the general arrangement is very poor. Bits of information of an economic or social character are scattered here and there in capricious fashion. The description of the routes of com munication, for instance, or of the fiscal system, is sandwiched in be tween the poli tical and mili tary accoun ts of two reigns.

Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa stands in notable contrast to Garcilaso. ... [Translated into English and edited by Sir Clements R. Markham (London: Hakluyt Society Publications Nos. 41 and 45, 1869-1871).-EDITOR.] 246 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru A pure-blooded Spaniard, a man of learning, a good observer, and a highly meritorious official much esteemed by the viceroy-who on two occasions made it possible for him to escape the Inquisition-Sarmiento was also a great sea captain, who discovered the Solomon Islands in 1567 while under the orders of Alvaro Mendaiia, invented some nauti cal instruments, and pursued the ships of Sir Francis Drake beyond the Strait of Magellan, which he explored. 45 A rough and forthright man, he had no pi ty for the Indians and showed no regret over the execu tion of the last Inca in 1571. His book, written around 1572, was dis covered at Gottingen in 1893 by Professor W. Meyer and was published at Berlin in 1906 under the title Geschichte des Inkareichs. 46 Sarmien to's work· is of extremely great interest, but it is open to question on several points inasmuch as the author was very biased. This is not surprising, however, since the book was written on specific orders from the viceroy, who was anxious to efface the impression produced in Europe by the publication of Las Casas' work, so full of accounts of the atrocities committed by the Spaniards. 47 Accordingly, Sarmiento insists upon the cruelty of the Incas, whom on every occasion, and even without any occasion, he treats as barbaric tyrants. But Markham is mistaken in maintaining that the viceroy himself interpolated sen..

tences in Sarmiento's manuscript that were intended to blacken the memory of the Peruvian sovereigns. R. Levillier has refuted these allegations. 48 On the whole, however, with the exception of these few passages and if the author's bias is taken into account, the work is con structed on scientific lines. It is the result of long journeys and patient research, and in Peru itself it was read to forty-two Indian notables, especially called together for the purpose, who declared that it was in agreement with the facts. The ecclesiastical historians, however inclined they may be to em phasize the study of religious questions that are of only indirect interest to us here, do furnish us incidentally with valuable information con cerning preColumbian society. Miguel Cavello Balboa, who reached America in 1566, lived first in Bogota and then in Quito, where, be tween 1578 and 1586, he wrote his Misceldnea austral. He espoused the cause of the Quito faction and showed himself to be a resolute champion of Atahualpa. In 1594 he was sent on a mission among the Chuncos, northwest of Cuzco, and after that he lived in Lima. Accord ing to the information kindly supplied to us by Philip Ainsworth "" [It has been translated and edited by Sir Clements R. Markham under the title History of the Incas (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, Series II, No. 22, 1907).-EDIToR.] Appendix 247 Means, the manuscript attributed to Balboa, which is now in the New York Public Library, is merely a copy, probably distorted, dating from the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the original may very well be in a Spanish monastery. The third part of the Misceldnea was translated into French by Ternaux-Compans under the title Histoire du Perou (Paris, 1840), but the translation is very imperfect, with en tire chapters omitted and others mutilated. A Spanish transladon or the French translation appears in Volume II of the second series of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru." It will be interesting to confront this text with the original when the latter is rediscovered.

Crist6bal de Molina, who had the same name as a writer we have mentioned above and was for a long time confused with him, was born in Cuzco and was a priest in that city. He was probably, like Garcilaso, of mixed blood. Between 1572 and 1591, he wrote a Relacion de las tdbulas y ritos de los Incas, which was published in 1916 in the "Co lecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru." * Much more interesting is Father J. de Acosta, a Jesuit and a professor of theology, who was in Peru from 1570 to 1586, chiefly in Lima, and has left us a Historia natural y moral de las Indias, which was pub lished in two volumes in Seville in 1590 and thus antedates Garcilaso's Comentarios. ** The instructive passages to be found in this work are unfortunately engulfed in a sea of naive narrative and futile contro versies.49 Finally, we come to the Spanish jurists and high officials who con stitute our chief source of documentary material. The King of Spain, desirous of receiving accurate information, had tours of inspection made in New Granada, and he was so well pleased with the result of these inquiries that in a letter of November 7, 1537, he gave an identi cal order to the viceroy of Peru. Under the title Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias, Jimenez de la Espada published in Madrid, from 1881 to 1897, the replies made by the officials of the different provinces to a very detailed questionnaire sent out by the higher authorities. Certain questions that concern the condition of the territory before the con• [It was translated and edited by Sir Clements R. Markham under the title "The Fables and Rites of the Yncas," Rites and Laws of the Yncas (London: Hakluyt Society, 1873), pp. 1-64.-EDITOR.] *. [An English translation, edited by Sir Clements R. Markham, appeared under the title The Natural and l\1.oral History of the Indies (London: Hakluyt Society Publications Nos. 60 and 61, 1880).-EDIToR.] 248 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru quest are of direct interest to our investigation. Several of these replies, however, bear a strange resemblance to one another. It would seem that the interrogated officials passed their documents around to one another in order to facilitate their task. A little later, Francisco de Toledo, who was viceroy from 1569 to 1581, assigned to Sarmiento the writing of the justificatory history mentioned above. He himself at that time collected items of information that have been brought to gether in Volume XVI of the "Coleccion de libros espanoles raros 0 curiosos" under the title Informaciones acerca del sefiorio y gobierno de los Ingas~ hechas por mandado de Don Francisco de Toledo~ virrey del Peru~ 1570-72 (Madrid, 1882). Finally, at the request of the King in the memorandum of Badajoz dated September 23, 1580, an inquiry was opened, which resulted in the publication of a series of reports.

Among the documents drawn up at these different dates, we have made particular use of the following, which contain information of an econom'ic character: "Relacion general de la disposici6n y calidad de la provincia de Guamanga," by Damian de la Bandera (1557), who was corregidor of Potosi, and whose report is in Volume I of the Relaciones geogrdficas. Relacion y declaracion del modo que este valle de Chincha y sus comarcanos se gobiernaban antes que hobiese Ingas y despues que los hobo hasta que los cristianos entraron en esta tierra~ by Fray Cristobal de Castro and Diego de Ortega Morejon. This report, which is ex tremely important from the point of view of the Incas' governmental administration, is lost in the mids_t of a mass of other documents in Volume L of the "Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana." It is dated 1558. "Relacion del origen, descendencia, poHtica y gobierno de los Incas,"

by Fernando de Santillan, magistrate at Lima, and later president of the Audiencia of Quito, who died at Lima in 1576. This is a capital work from the standpoint of administration and full of a generous feeling of compassion for the Indians. Written about 1572, it was pub lished by Marcos Jimenez de la Espada in Tres relaciones de antigile dades peruanas (Madrid, 1879), pp. 1-133. "Descripcion de la ciudad de Quito y vecindad de ella," by the Licentiate Pedro Rodriguez de Aguayo, which was written in 1576 and published in Volume III of Relaciones geogrdficas. The principal documents which have come down to us are those we owe to the pen of Juan Polo de Ondegardo, corregidor of La Plata, in the province of Charcas, and later of Cuzco. He was a good administraAppendix 249 tor and wise jurist, who went to Peru some time before 1545 and re mained there until his death in 1575. He had a great admiration for the administrative system of preColumbian Peru and tried to prevent the execution of the Inca Tupac Amaru by the viceroy.5o His first re port, of which the manuscript is in the National Library of Madrid, is dated 1560. The title is Relaci6n del linaje de los Incas y como ex tendieron ellos sus conquistas (Volume IV of the "Colecclon de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru"). It was translated by Markham in his Rites and Laws of the Yncas (London, 1873), pp.

151-171.51 Volume XVII of the "Colecci6n de documentos ineditos del Archivo de Indias" contains a second report of prime importance, the Relaei6n de los fundamentos aeerea del notable dano que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus fueros) dated June 26, 1571; and this is followed by an anonymous piece of writing entitled De la orden que los yndios tenyan en dividir los tributos e destribuyrlos entre sf) which is likewise at tributed to Ondegardo. To these essential works must be added a Relaeion de los adoratorios de los indios en los cuatro eaminos (zeques) que saUan del Cuzco) which is reprinted in Volume IV of the "Co lecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru," pp. 3-44, and which Coho appropriated in his Historia del Nuevo Mundo without citing the name of the author; and a treatise entitled Los errores y superstieiones de los indios, published in Volume III of the same collection, pp. 1-43. Two further texts must be attributed, accord ing to Carlos Romero, to the same author: the first, under the title Copia de carta que segun una nota se hallaba en el Archivo general de Indias) y que hemos rectificado ... , appears in Volume XIII of the "Colecci6n de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana"

(Madrid, 1848), p. 425, and in Volume IV of the "Coleccion de los libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru"; the second, en titled Copia de unos eapitulos de una carta del licenciado Polo para el Dr. Francisco Hernandez de Liebana) was published in Volume VI of the "Nueva colecci6n de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana" (Madrid, 1896), p. 274, and reprinted in Volume IV of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru." The first of these letters is a defense of the legitimacy of the Spanish sovereignty in the Indies. The second treats of administrative measures that have already been made the subject of other reports.,52 The reading of Polo de Ondegardo's works is most instructive, but it is also most difficult because of the absence of paragraphing and, 250 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru indeed, of any breaks whatever in the text. In the first of these docu ments we found a sentence that covered no less than four and a half pages, and it is not the only one of its kind.

Alongside this writer we may set two specialists in juridical and so cial questions: Francisco Falc6n, who, in his Representacion hecha en concilio provincial sobre los daiios y molestias que se hacen d los indios, written in 1582 and reprinted in Volume XI of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru," vigorously pleads the cause of the Indians; and Juan de Matienzo, a member of the Audien cia of Las Charcas in La Plata in 1561, who enjoyed great renown as a jurist. Matienzo, like Sarmiento, took a stand opposed to that of Las Casas. He represented the Incas as despotic usurpers and characterized the Indians as lying, lazy, cruel, and pusillanimous. His work, entitled Gobierno del Peru, is to be found in the "Publicaciones de la secci6n de historia de la facultad de filosofia y letras de Buenos Aires" for 1910.53 5. The Spanish Historians of the Seventeenth Century We have come a long way from the heroic era of the conquest. It is more and more difficult to gather information. And yet even after the year 1600 we find writers of the first rank. They are all ecclesiastics except for Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yanqui Salcamayhua, an Indian, as his name indicates, whose book, Relacion de antigiledades deste reyno del Peru~ dated 1620, has little of interest to offer us, in spite of the author's knowledge of the Quechua language.,M Around the year 1605, Fray Reginaldo de Lizarraga, a Dominican, wrote a book called Descripcion breve de toda la tierra de Peru, Tucu man, Rio de la Plata y Chile~ which appears among the "Historiadores primitivos de Indias" (Volume XIV in the "Nueva biblioteca de au tores espafioles"), but this provides us with hardly any information.

More helpful is Father Martin de Morua, of whose life little is known, but whose work is very important. Morua, who belonged to the Order of Mercy, lived for a long time in Cuzco and at Capachica, on the shore of Lake Titicaca. In 1590 he completed his Historia del origen y genealogia real de los reyes Incas del Peru, de sus hechos, costumbres, trajes y manera de gobierno, a comprehensive chronicle in which the reader finds the history of the queens and of the eminent military com manders. It was printed in the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru" (Volume IV of the second series).

Appendix 251 Morua speaks of the social and economic system of the Incas, but he sometimes becomes repetitious or contradicts himself, and several of his statements are certainly erroneous. Of less importance for us is Fray Antonio de la Calancha, an Augus tinian, born at Chuquisaca in Bolivia. He was a good observer who knew the language of the country, but biased and excessively credulous. He has left us a Cor6nica moralizada del orden de San Agustin en el Peru~ con sucesos egemplares v'istos en esta monarquia~ published at Barcelona in 1638. De la Riva-Agiiero calls it "a monstrous mass of pious dissertation, carping criticism, intellectual affectation, geography, history, and monastic doings." 55 Certainly there are few books so tire some as this even in Spanish-Peruvian literature. Its naive observa tions and interminable sermons weary the most courageous reader. 56 Father Pablo Jose de Arriaga, who came to Peru in 1585, wrote a book which rivaled Calancha's in length. This work, the Extirpacion de la idolatria del Peru~ published at Lima in 1621, is concerned with little except religious subjects.,57 Shorter and more fully documented is the work of Father Anello Oliva, a Jesuit from Naples who lived for a long time in Peru and who asserts that he received his information from an Indian named Catari who was guardian of the quipus at the court of the last Incas. 58 His manuscript, dated 1631, is entitled Vida de varones ilustres de la Compania de Jesus de la provincia del Peru. The first section, which treats of the history of Peru, is the only part that interests us. It was published in a French translation by Ternaux-Compans at Paris in 1857, and in Spanish at Lima in 1895.

It was another Jesuit who, between 1615 and 1621, wrote the "Rela cion de las costumbres antiguas de los naturales del Piru," an anony mous work of which the text forms part of J. de la Espada's Tres rela ciones de antigiledades peruanas~ reprinted in the Revista del Archivo hist6rico del Cuzco~ No.4, 1953.59 Finally, Father Alonso Ramos Gavilan, in the first part of his His toria de Nuestra Senora de Copacabana~ published at Lima in 1621, deals with ancient customs and almost exclusively with different forms of idolatry.6o The writings of all these monks must be subjected to a particularly critical scrutiny, for they are extremely naive and are ready to believe anything and to proclaim a miracle on every occasion. 61 Two writers of great merit make their appearance toward the middle of the seventeenth century: Montesinos and Cobo.

252 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru The Jesuit father, Fernando Montesinos, is beyond question the most discussed of all these authors on Peru. His extravagant chronolo gies and his bold assertions were for a long time an object of derision; but today we find him slowly rising in prestige, and, by a natural re action, he is coming to be accepted as "one of the most honest and learned of the historians of Peru." 62 Montesinos was one of the first authors to assert that the Peruvians at one time knew the art of writing and that great civilizations had existed before that of the Incas. 63 Although it has not been possible to verify the first assertion, the second has been amply confirmed by archaeological discoveries. Certain recent excavations have even proved the accuracy of several details. Thus, the discovery in Ecuador of articles of Chilean origin establishes the truth of Montesinos" state ment that for the conquest of the provinces to the north the Incas used troops recruited from the southern regions of the empire. De 1a Riva-Agiiero maintains that Montesinos has been "too much rehabil itated";64 and we are inclined to agree, for a number of "absurd legends" are to be found in his work. 65 We must neither follow him with closed eyes nor refuse to consult him. Unfortunately, he is more concerned with the history of events than of institutions.

Although he came late to the scene, Montesinos must certainly have been in possession of precious information, for he bought manuscripts prepared under the direction of Fray Luis Lopez, Bishop of Quito, and, as we have said, he was probably acquainted with part of the work, now lost, of BIas Valera. For more than fifteen years he traveled about in Peru, where he was parish priest at PotosI and was twice sent on missions of inspection. He boasts of having crossed the Andes sixty times. At once churchman, adventurer, and speculator, harsh toward the Indians, whom he catechized by force, he is one of the most charac teristic figures of the· colonial period. Montesinos' Memorias antiguas historiales y poUticas del Peru, writ ten in 1652, was published at Madrid in 1882 in Volume XVI of the "Coleccion de libros espaiioles raros 0 curiosos," pp. 1-76.* It was translated into French around 1840 by Ternaux-Compans. 66 Very different is Father Bernabe Cobo, also a Jesuit, who is lacking in originality and conscientiously pilfers from his predecessors, but who brings us a large number of facts on economic and social condi tions in ancient Peru. He lived for sixty-one years, from 1596 to 1657, • [It has been translated into English and edited by P. A. Means (London: Hakluyt Society Publications, Series II, No. 48, 1920).-EDIToR.] Appendix 253 in the Spanish Indies, most of the time in Mexico or in Lima, and he provides abundant information about these countries, with which he was admirably acquainted. His greatest fault is in having arrived so late, almost a century after the conquest. His Historia del Nuevo Mundo, in four bulky volumes, was published at Seville between 1890 and 1895.

6. The Period of Transition: the Eighteenth Century Very few of those who lived in Peru or traveled through it in the eighteenth century took the trouble to study the Indians and their history. It was a period of intellectual quiescence: the time of· the con quest was over; the day of modern criticism had not yet dawned. Even the religious chroniclers were few in number. We can cite hardly any except Juan Jose del Hoyo, parish priest of Tarma in 1772, who de scribed the customs of the Indians of his time in his Estado ,del cato licismo, politica y economias de los naturales del Peru que se dicen indios y medios simplisimos de corregir, which was published in Vol ume IV of the "Colecci6n de libros y documentos referentes a la his tori a del Peru." 67 The most important writings of this period are those of European travelers, but they are primarily descriptive, and we have had recourse to them only to discover what still survived into their own time. A.

Frezier, author of a Relation du voyage de la mer du Sud aux cotes du Chily et du Perou (Paris, 1716) and S. Durret, who wrote an entertain ing narrative of a Voyage de Marseille a Lima (Paris, 1720), scarcely penetrated at all into the interior of the country.68 Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, who went to Peru with the first French geodetic mission, produced, in 1748, a Relaci6n hist6rica del viaje d la America meridional hecho de orden de S. M. para medir algunos grados de meridiano terrestre, which was published at Madrid in five volumes. This was followed by a history of Peru, taken from Garcilaso, none of it of much value. 69 One might have hoped for something better from scholars, but these authors too often give free rein to their imagination and manifest a hostility toward the Indians that is little short of fero cious. Yet one must recognize the undeniable interest of their N oticias secretas de America (London, 1826), which they prepared for the King of Spain, and which throws a singular light on the Spanish coloniza tion. P. Bouguer, who took part in the same mission, does not speak of the Incas in his account, entitled La figure de la terre (Paris, 1749).

254 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru W. Bayer, in Reize naar Peru (Amsterdam, 1773), offers some items of information about Cuzco and Lake Titicaca (ch. xi-xv). As for the works on Peru written in France and England before the nineteenth century by authors who had not crossed the ocean, they enlighten us less about the history of the ancient Indians than about the state of mind of the Europeans of that day. We have given them some study in the last chapter of this book, and here we merely note the names of five outstanding figures among them. Abbe de Pauw, a philosopher-priest who was admired by Voltaire, found pleasure in taking a point of view diametrically opposed to that of Rousseau by systematically disparaging the indigenous inhabitants of America in the three volumes of his Recherches philosophiques (Ber lin, 1768-69). He was sharply criticized by Count J. R. de Carli, who, in a not unnatural gesture of reaction, wrote what amounted to a veritable defense of the Incas: Delle lettere americane, in two volumes (Florence, 1780, translated into German in 1785, and into French in 1788).70 Abbe Raynal's Histoire philosophique et politique des etablisse ments et du commerce des Europeens dans les deux Indes (Paris, 1770), in spite of its exasperating sentimentality, its digressions, and its con tradictions, offers a great many interesting observations that do not justify the discredit into which it has fallen. The same may be said of the work of Abbe Genty, L'influ.ence de la decouverte de l'Amerique sur le bonheur du genre humain (Paris, 1787).71 On the other hand, William Robertson's biased and superficial two-volume work entitled The History of America (1777) is far from deserving the success it at tained. 72 7. Modern Authors: The Nineteenth Century The nineteenth century provides us with a great variety of texts of all kinds and all qualities. Archaeology and ethnology contribute the fruits of their valuable cooperation, but these sciences are so intimately involved with political and economic history that it is often difficult to know whether to characterize certain authors as archaeologists, ethnologists, historians, or sociologists.

J. Skinner's The Present State of Peru (London, 1805), put together from articles in the Mercurio peruano, is of only moderate interest for us, but in its French translation it is accompanied by an important description of the provinces of the Andean plateau written by mis..

Appendix 255 sionaries at the end of the eighteenth century and entitled Voyages au Perou faits dans les annees 1791 a1794 par les Peres Manuel Sobre vie1a et Narcisso y Barcelo (Paris, 1809, 2 vols.).73 The famous German naturalist and traveler Alexander von Hum boldt and the botanist Aime Bonpland recounted their Voyage aux regions equinoxiales du nouveau continent (Paris, 1814-25, 3 folio vols.; and Paris, IB16-~n, 19 vols.), to which they appended two atlases, one geographic, the other pictorial. The latter was reprinted in two volumes (Paris, 1816-24) under the title Vues des Cordilleres et monuments des peup1es indigenes de l'Amerique. At Paris Alphonse de Beauchamp published, in 1808, his Histoire de 1a conquete et des n!volutions du Perou, a two-volume work of which the first contained a very superficial history of the Incas; and the Chevalier de Propiac, in 1824, issued his Beautes de l'histoire du Perou, a naive treatise illustrated with drawings that do honor to the imagination of their author. In 1827, John Ranking wrote, in London, his Historical Researches on the Conquest of Peru, Mexico, Bogota, Natchez and Talomeco in the Thirteenth Century by the Mongols, with a supplement in 1831, a work of amusing fantasy. Alcide d'Or bigny, in his study of L'homme americain (Paris, 1839), devotes only a few pages to the Incas and precisely follows Garcilaso and Acosta.

The work of J. M. de Cordoba y Urrutia in Las tres epocas del Peru (Lima, 1844) is very cursory. The most important source book of this period is William H. Pres cott's The History of the Conquest of Peru, first published in New York in March, 1847, and immediately brought out in London and speedily translated into French, German, Spanish, and Dutch. Con scientious and clear, the work draws its inspiration chiefly from Garci laso's Comentarios and the second part of Cieza de Leon's Cr6nica; but today it is already outdated, and it is not without gaps. A good French translation, in three volumes, was published at Paris in 1861. It was in Prescott and Garcilaso that Herbert Spencer found the facts of which he made use, but the English philosopher had no desire whatever to study ancient Peru. He was simply seeking, in the history of that state, for confirmation Qf his doctrines. In his famous Principles of Sociology (1879), he took the Inca empire as the typical representa tive of a military society, and he made a number of erroneous state ments which we have had occasion to take up in the text.

In South America itself, Sebastian Lorente, a Spaniard by birth, a teacher in Peru from 1842 to 1884, gives us in his Historia antigua del 256 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru Peru (Lima, 1860) a cursory glimpse of the ancient civilization of that country. His book has no documentary references and draws its in spiration almost solely from Garcilaso, but it is written in such elegant language that the reader remains wholly charmed. It is a typical work of popularization. In the second half of the nineteenth century, a large number of writers embarked upon Peruvian journeys that were often actual ex plorations and began to investigate the coast and the plateau. The influence of Garcilaso, which we have noted hitherto, went into a pro gressive decline. M. E. de Rivero and J. D. von Tschudi, in their A'ntigiledades peruanas (Vienna, 1851),74 published in translation at London in 1853 and at Paris in 1859, supply us with a great deal of information, of which some is erroneous. Von Tschudi felt obliged to declare that he took no responsibility for hypotheses "devoid of any scientific founda tion" that appeared in this book, the text of which was the exclusive work of de Rivero. 75 A more instructive work of the same von Tschudi is Kulturhistorische und sprach1iche Beitriige zur Kenntnis des alten Peru, which was published in Volume XXXIX of the "Denkschriften der Kaiser!. Akademie der Wissenschaften" at Vienna in 1891, and in a Spanish translation in the "Coleccion de libros y documentos refe rentes a la historia del Peru" under the title Contribuciones d la his toria, civilizaci6n y linguistica del Peru antiguo, in which a certain number of Quechua words are explained at length.

Fidel L6pez, who carried on a controversy with the two authors named above, could undoubtedly be described as a writer who indulged his fancy. In his book, Les races aryennes du Perou (Paris, 1871), he attempts, by noting analogies, to prove the European origin of the South American peoples. He considers Garcilaso biased and accords high praise to Montesinos. Among the French who engaged in the scientific exploration of Peru at this time, we find no scholar of the first rank. De Castelnau wrote a report of his Expedition dans 1es parties centra1es de l'Amerique du Sud, of which the third part, Antiquites des Incas et autres peuples anciens) contains a series of lithographic plates devoted to Inca antiqui ties; and P. Angrand deserves a special place, less because of his own publications (although his "Lettre sur les antiquites de Tiaguanaco" in the Revue genera1e de ['architecture et des travaux publics in 1867 is very interesting) than because of his remarkable collection of writings on America, which is today in the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris and Appendix 257 is our most precious source of information. A little later, C. Wiener undertook the ambitious explorations which he recounted in his volu minous work entitled Perou et Bolivie, published in 1880. Unhappily, he remains suspect on more than one count. Not only is he content to lean upon Montesinos without checking the latter's accuracy and makes a great many mistakes, but, what is still worse, he fabricates. According to Bandelier, he even went so far as to describe expeditions that he never made.'76We ourselves can state that he gives evidence of very little critical. sense and a great deal of fantasy in another work, which is particularly pertinent to the present study: Essai sur les institutions politiques, religieuses, economiques et sociales de l~empire des Incas (Paris, 1874). Yet Wiener does not deserve to be passed over in silence; he knew how to observe intelligently, and he has given us some lively sketches.

On the other hand, the brochure by J. de Neltray, Fouilles et voyages au pays des Incas (Sens, 1886), is completely devoid of interest. The French writers of the second half of the nineteenth century who did not leave Europe confined themselves for the most part to recapitu lations of Garcilaso. As a matter of record, we may mention E. Des jardins, Le Perou avant la conquete espagnole (Paris, 1858); A. Cas taing, Le communisme au Perou ("Archives de la Societe americaine de France," New Series, Vol. III, Pt. I, Paris, 1884); C. A. Pret, "Les institutions sociales et la legislation du Perou avant la conquete," Bul letin de fa Societe d'ethnographie, April, 1901; and H. Castonnet des Fosses, "La civilisation de l'ancien Perou," Revue des religions (Angers, 1896). On the other hand, we find analyses by E. Reclus that are penetrating, though biased and incomplete, in Volume XVIII of the Geographie universelle (Paris, 1893) and Volume IV of L~homme et la terre (Paris, 1905). Finally, among French archaeologists we may cite the Marquis de Nadaillac and his study of L~A'merique prt!historique (Paris, 1883).

In the same period as Wiener's Essai, two books in Spanish were published at Lima: the Diccionario historico-biogrdfico of M. de Men diburu, which treats of the Inca empire in an appendix that is a mere resume of Garcilaso's Comentarios;77 and A. Raimondi's EI Peru, in three volumes (1874-79), which is one of the most complete works on modern Peru in existence, but with little documentation on ancient Peru. Later, M. Lafuente, in Volume VIII of his Historia general de Espana (Barcelona, 1888), contented himself with a rough summary, and Ricardo Cappa manifested an excessive bias in his Historia del 258 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru Peru (Lima, 1885) and his Estudios criticos acerca de La dominacion espanola en America (Madrid, 1889-91). In the English language, at London W. Bollaert published in 1854 his Observations on the History of the Incas of Peru) on the Indians 01 South Peru) and on Some Indian Remains in the Province of Tara paca) in 1860 his Antiquarian) Ethnological) and Other Researches in New Granada) Ecuador) Peru) and Chile) and in 1865 his Introduction to the Palaeography of America; A. Helps, in 1865-61, The Spanish Conquest in America and Its Relation to the History of Slavery and to the Government of Colonies;78 and D. Adams, in 1885, The Land of the Incas and the City of the Sun) or the Story of Francisco Pizarro and the Conquest of Peru; none of which works is particularly instructive for our purposes. In New York, E. G. Squier published, in 1877, his important Peru) Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas) a product of conscientious research that has been utilized by a large number of writers who have come after him. E. J. Payne's two-volume History of the New World was published in 1892 at Ox ford and is, in our opinion, a work that is too little known, for it is full of discerning comment-for instance, in regard to the influence of the environment upon the South American native.

In Germany, the students of the Americas can be divided into sev eral distinct groups. There are first the compilers. A. Bastian, Die Kulturliinder des alten Amerika) in three volumes (Berlin, 1878-89);79 R. Brehm, Das Inka-Reich) Beitriige zu Staats-und Sittengeschichte des Kaiserthums Tahuantinsuyu (Jena, 1885); G. Briihl, Die Kultur volker alt-Americas (New York, 1877); R. Cronau, Amerika) in two vol umes (Leipzig, 1892); and F. Ratzel, Volkerkunde) in three volumes (Leipzig, 1885-88). Then there are the travelers who are chiefly con cerned with archaeology: E. W. Middendorf, Peru) Beobachtungen und Studien ilber das Land und seine Bewohner wiihrend eines 25 jiihrigen A ufenthalts (Berlin, 1893); W. Reiss and A. StiibeI, Das To tenfeld v'on Ancon in Peru. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Kultur und Industrie des Inkareiches nach den Ergebnissen eigner Ausgrabungen (Berlin, 1880-87); W. Reiss, A. Stiibel, B. Koppel, and M. Uhle, Kultur und Industrie sildamerikanischer Volker. Nach den im Besitze des Museums filr Volkerkunde zu Leipzig befindlichen Sammlungen von A. Stilbel) W. Reiss und B. Koppel (Berlin, 1889); and E. SeIer, Perua nische Alterthilmer (Berlin, 1893). And finally, there are the sociol ogists: Dr. O. Martens, Ein sozialistischer Grosstaat vor 400 ]ahren) die geschichtliche) soziale und politis~he Grundlage des Inkareiches TaAppendix 259 huantinsuyu das Staatswesen der Incas auf dem sudamerikanischen Hochlande (Berlin, 1895), a superficial resume, which appeared in a French translation under the title Un grand etat socialiste au XVieme siecle (Paris, 1910); H. Cunow, Die soziale Verfassung des Inkareichs, eine Untersuchung des altperuanischen Agrarkommunismus (Stuttgart, 1896), a veritable masterpiece of scholarship. Cunow's thesis is briefly as follows: The Peruvian monarchs never created more than an arti ficial tie among the various tribes; they added nothing to the pre-exist ing institutions and did no more than appropriate them; the empire did not constitute a true state, but was an agglomeration of peoples assembled by force under the same sceptre; and the only basic insti tu tion that formed a social unit was the clan. In the course of the present book we have tried to show that this theory, which is presented with great vigor and which contains a part of the truth, is inadequate.

8. Modern Authors: The Twentieth Century to About 1926 Since the beginning of the twentieth century, a great number of writers have concerned themselves with South America, although no one of them has thrown a full light upon the social organization of the Incas. Most of them deal with this question only incidentally, and the best of them, venturing timidly upon such difficult terrain, main tain a prudent silence upon a great many points. so Of the sociologists writing in French who touch upon Peruvian in stitutions, it is scarcely necessary to make more than a passing men tion. C. Letourneau, in several of his works, notably in L'evolution du commerce (Paris, 1897) and La condition de la femme dans les diverses races et civilisations (Paris, 1903), continues to draw his inspiration almost solely from Garcilaso, D'Orbigny, and Prescott. De Greef, in Volume II of his Sociologie, structure generale des societes (Brussels, 1908), tries to reconcile the theories of Spencer and Cunow. He grants that Peru was an association of tribes with egalitarian and pacifistic ideas, but at the same time, by a strange contradiction, he explains that this federation was necessarily obliged to make war. In his Evolution des croyances et des doctrines politiques (Brussels, 1895), he approached the study of Peru without knowing any of the sixteenth-century Span ish writers except Garcilaso. Vilfredo Pareto himself, who is beyond question one of the foremost economists of this period, speaks of the Incas, in Les systemessocialistes(Paris, 1902), in terms that attest his ignorance and his bias. At Paris, in 1914, Capitan and Lorin brought 260 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru out a little book on a specialized subject, Le travail en Amerique avant et apres Colomb; and in 1924 G. Rouma published at Brussels La civi lisation des Incas et leur communisme autocratique, a popularized ac count that is excellent, but unfortunately too cursory.

Two archaeologists who wrote in French deserve to be mentioned: Eric Boman, Antiquites de la region andine de la Republique Argen tine et du desert d'Atacama, in two volumes (Paris, 1908); and especially H. Beauchat, who, in his Manuel d'archeologie americaine (Paris, 1912), presents in condensed form all the information that had been obtained up to that time. This is a notable book, which marks the extent of our knowledge in the year of its publication, but which, of necessity, remains very incomplete because of the very vastness of the ground that it covers. In Spanish, we have only monographs to list: EI Peru antiguo y los modernos soci6logos, by V. A. Belaunde (Lima, 1908); EI ayllu, by Bautista Saavedra (Paris, 1913); Las civilizaciones primitivas del Peru, by C. Wiesse (Lima, 1913); EI comercio precolombiano, by Ricardo Latcham (Santiago de Chile, 1909), a book that gives prominence to the commercial relations that existed among the different peoples be fore the time of the Incas; La existencia de la propiedad en elantiguo imperio de los Incas, by the same author (Santiago de Chile, 1923), a conscientious study, but lacking in references;* J. Mendoza del Solar, La evoluci6n social y politica del antiguo Peru (Arequipa, 1920); Pedro Irigoyen's "Inducciones acerca de la civilizaci6n incaica," Revista uni versitaria de Lima (November, 1909-January, 1910), with a thesis in spired. by Spencer; another article from the same review (1919), "Las comunidades de indigenas en el Peru," by Bustamente Cisneros; "Ob servaciones sobre la organizaci6n social del Peru antiguo," by E. Zurka lowski in the Mercurio peruano for May, 1919; and "Regimen de la propiedad durante los Incas," by C. Valdez de la Torre in the same magazine, November, 1920.

In the Portuguese language, we know of only one book from this period that treats of the ancient civilization of Peru-O imperio dos Incas no Peru e no Mexico, by Domingos Jaguaribe (Sao Paulo, 1913), and it is of Iittle value. Among writers in English, on the other hand, there are many who deserve to be cited. Sir Clements Markham wrote his very lively book, ... [The same author has written in English "The Totemism of the Ancient Andean Peoples," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LVII (1927), 55 87.-EDITOR.] Appendix 261 The Incas of Peru (London, 1910) and a series of introductions to translations of the Spanish chroniclers brought out in the Hakluyt Collection. 81 He is incontestably one of the best students of the Amer icas in our time. T. Joyce gives an excellent general survey of pre Columbian South America in his South American Archaeology (Lon don, 1912). The American explorer, Hiram Bingham, is less interest ing in his Inca Land (New York, 1922), but he has a place of special distinction because he unearthed the ancient citadel of MachuPicchu, the refuge of the Peruvian chiefs during the Spanish conquest and perhaps also during those turbulent and little-known times that pre ceded the establishment of the Inca empire. 82 His compatriot, C. Mead, published in 1924, at New York, a very brief popularized account en titled Old CiV'ilizations of Inca Land) which is more entertaining in its pictures than instructive in its text.

In Germany, o. von Hanstein follows Brehm. 8s His book, Die Welt des Inka (Dresden, 1923), is obviously intended for a mass public. It is poorly documented, has no references, and is biased in its systematic. hostility to the Spaniards and especially to the Catholic Church. It also contains certain errors that we have had occasion to deal with in the text. It has been translated into English. * Herman Trimborn, on the other hand, published two remarkable articles in the magazine Anthropos (July-December, 1923-24) on "Der Kollektivismus der Inkas in Peru." He takes his inspiration from Cunow, but he very felici tously rounds out the earlier author's work. In Trimborn's view, the entire Inca organization derived from the local clan, and the very title of his work must be taken ironically.84 Ethnology has made an important contribution to the study of ancient Peru. The observer discovers survivals not only in the regions difficult of access, but also in the closed circles of family or tribe throughout the territory of the Andes. It is not that the Indian resists the white man. He accepts laws and decrees, but he gradually distorts them by adapting them to his own ancestral conditions of life. The civilization of ancient Peru is still living; in the struggle with European civilization it remains to the present moment victorious, at least on the high pIa tea u.85 If the customs of earlier days persist as they do, it is undoubtedly because the Incas knew how to impose their rule with uncommon en ergy. So efficiently vvas the machine set in motion that even after the :II: [The World of the Incas, translated by Anna Barwell (London and New York, 1925).- EDITOR.] 262 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru death of the operator it continued to run by itself. Ondegardo observed that after the Spanish conquest the Indians insisted on cultivating the lands of the Incas and storing the crops in the imperial granaries. 86 There are still natives today who marry among themselves, live a com munal life, and invoke their ancient idols. 87 The methods of agricul ture described by the first chroniclers are still to be found in certain areas of the interior. 88 The shepherds count their flocks with the aid of the ancient quipus. 89 Laborers still break stones in the way described by Cieza de Leon, by dousing them in cold water after they have been well heated. 9o And there are many drinkers who would not dare raise a glass of the national beverage, chicha, to their lips without first pour ing a few drops on the ground as an offering to the great god Pacha camac. Even now secret societies exist in many regions. 91 In the do main of art in particular, the survivals constitute a veritable folk lore;92 and in the field of jurisprudence they constitute a common law of which we have had to take account. 93 Among the most interesting studies from this point of view, we may mention The Islands of Titicaca and Coati by A. Bandelier (New York, 1910); Agrarian Indian Communities of Highland Bolivia, by George McBride (New York, 1921); H. Castro Pozo, Nuestra comunidad in digena (Lima, 1924); and an article entitled "Wallalo" by J. C. Tello and P. Miranda in the magazine Inca for April, 1913; as well as the nu merous booklets of Otto Nordenskiold.

9. The Historians of the Kingdom of Quito Thus far we have omitted-in order to group them together under their own heading-any mention of the authors who dealt with the Kingdom of Quito, which was annexed to the Inca empire only at a late date and which perhaps knew a native civilization prior to this annexation. Such, at least, was the view maintained by Velasco in the eighteenth century. Father Juan de Velasco, a Jesuit, was born at Riobamba in Ecuador in 1727, was expelled by order of the Madrid government in 1767, and took up his residence in Italy. During this exile he compiled his His toria del reino de Quito, to the glory of his lost fatherland. This work, which has become a rarity,94 is the first that tells the story of the Caras, a people who lived in Ecuador before the Inca conquest and had at tained a certain degree of civilization. If Velasco's statements are to be Appendix 263 believed, he became acquainted with a manuscript, now lost, by that Marcos de Niza of whom we have spoken above. He undoubtedly also collected information on the spot before leaving Ecuador, but the vir tually complete absence of. any trace now remaining of a Cara empire renders this author suspect in the eyes of most of our contemporaries.

Some of them, like Jij6n y Caamafio, condemn him definitively.95 It is c~rtain that the Relac;ones drawn up in U;7G by order of the King of Spain on the Audiencia of Quito do not mention the existence of a Cara civilization. 96 Yet we do not feel that we could reject everything in the story Velasco tells us. Like many another conscientious but naive writer, he has reported what people told him, without seeking to dis tinguish between the true and the false, and his exalted patriotism perhaps stood in the way of his reducing the facts to their just propor tions. We have had to be circumspect, therefore, when referring to him. P. Fermin Cevallos, whose Resumen de la historia del Ecuador desde su origen hasta 1845 was published in six volumes at Quito between 1886 and 1889, confined himself to the popularization of Velasco. On the other hand, the assertions of the Jesuit father from Ecuador are disputed by Gonzalez Suarez, Bishop of Quito, a graceful writer and informed critic, whose H istoria general del Ecuador) in two parts, ap peared at Quito between 1890 and 1892.

We shall find little information about our subject in the books of F. Hassaurek, Four Years Among Spanish Americans (New York, 1867, and published in a German translation at Dresden twenty years later) and of T. Wolf, Geografia y geologia del Ecuador (Leipzig, 1892). We learn more from the second part of the brief work of Jij6n y Caamafio and Carlos Larrea, Un cementerio incdico en Quito. But the most val uable information is contained in Volume VI of the report published by the French expedition sent out by the Service geographique de l'Armee for the measurement of an equatorial meridian arc in South America. The first part, written by R. Verne au and P. Rivet, is entitled Ethnographie ancienne de l'Equateur. The second part (Paris, 1912-22) contains an excellent bibliography. This is indisputably the most scientific and the most important work to which we can refer in re gard to the Kingdom of Qui to.

The coast of Ecuador, whose history appears to be somewhat differ ent from that of the plateau, has been studied by an American archaeol ogist, Marshall Saville, in The Antiquities of Manabi) Ecuador (New York, 1910).

264 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru 10. Present-Day Writers Since 1926 Considerable progress in the field which concerns us here has been made in our own day. First, the bibliography has been enriched· by a number of first-rate works by Philip Ainsworth Means, the Bureau for Economic Research in Latin America, and Father R. Vargas Ugarte, already mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. Among the new manuscripts, the most important is undoubtedly that of Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, a native author, as is indicated by his name. Guaman means "falcon," and poma is the word for "puma." This manuscript, entitled Nueva coronica y buen gobierno, was discovered in the Royal Library of Copenhagen by Richard Pietsch mann in 1908 and was published in 1936 in the "Collection de travaux et memoires" (Vol. XXIII) of the Institut d'Ethnologie of Paris. More than one-fourth of it deals with Peru in the preColumbian era. Indeed, one may say that the author goes back to the beginning of history, for he starts with the creation of the world. A man of little education, he writes in an impossible Hispano-Quechua dialect, makes undeniable mistakes, illustrates every page with naive and badly executed pen and-ink drawings that nevertheless have some instructive value for us, and adopts a peculiar arrangement that leads him to parade in re view successively the Inca emperors, the empresses (Coyas), the cap tains (viceroys of the four Suyus) and their wives, the sovereigns' order lies, the social classes listed in the statistical tables, the various occupa tions, the festivals, the religious and mortuary practices, the penal laws, the palaces, the public stores, the high officials, the messengers, and the accountants. A curious interpretation of the prehistoric part of this work, including several modernized drawings, has been offered by J. C. Tello under the title Las primeras edades del Peru por Guaman Poma J ensayo de interpretacion (Lima, 1939).

More recently, in a booklet entitled EI cronista indio Felipe Huaman Poma de Ayala (Lima, 1948), Raul Porras Barranechea has recon structed the miserable vagabond life of this superficial and vainglorious chronicler, who hates the Incas as much as he does the Spaniards and exalts the memory of the ancient local chiefs (caciques), whose despot ism he admires. Poma de Ayala does not hesitate to disclose his own ideal as he constructs a city of the future, built upon a rigid caste system and governed by implacable tyrants. There is something picAppendix 265 turesque in this sort of. caricature of the Inca system, which involves regimentation down to the last detail. The statistician is king, and the rulers go so far as to fix the number of hens and cabbages that each Indian may keep for himself and consume. It was this same Porras Barranechea who, in 1936, discovered and made public the will of Francisco Pizarro, brought out a series of dOCUlllents in 1937 entitled Las relaciones primitivas de la conquista del Peru) and, above all, brought to light the chronicle of Diego de Trujillo, Una relacion inedita de la conquista del Peru (Madrid, 19'40).

This last is particularly valuable, for its author took part in the dis covery of Peru, the capture of the Inca at Cajamarca, and the march on Cuzco. His account is vivid and clear. Rafael Loredo also has un earthed a curious Cronica de la conquista del Peru (Seville, 1948) by Alonso Borregan. An increasingly close and careful study has been made in recent years of the chronicles already known. In the Revue d'histoire moderne of June, 1932, R. Levillier presents a very just criticism of the writings of Las Casas, and in a two-volume work published in Madrid in 1935 entitled Don Francisco de T'oledo) supremo organizador del Peru: su vida) su obra (1515-1582), he pays tribute to the strong personal char acter of the viceroy Francisco de Toledo. On the occasion of the four hundredth anniversary of the birth of Garcilaso de la Vega, a great number of books and articles appeared. 97 The institutions of ancient Peru, taken as a whole, have been made the subject of several important studies in recent years. In Peru itself there have been Emilio Romero, H istoria economica y financiera, del Peru) antiguo Peru y virreynato (Lima, 1939); Jorge Basadre, Historia del derecho peruano) Vol. I (Lima, 1937); R. Mariategui Oliva, His toria del Peru) in two volumes (Lima, 1939), a rather cursory work for school use; and Luis E. Valcarcel, Historia de la cultura antigua del Peru (Lima, 1943-49). In the United States we have Philip Ainsworth Means, Ancient Civilizations of the Andes (New York, 1931) and The Fall of the Inca Empire and the Spanish Rule in Peru) 15301780 (New York, 1932) and J. H. Rowe, "Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Conquest," Handbook of South American Indians (Washington, 1946).98 To this list we add the good but very short popularized work of R. d'Harcourt, L'Amerique avant Colomb (Paris, 1925), and a book that is conscientious but summary in its treatment of the problems in which we are interested, Ii Peru (Rome, 1926), by Count G. M. Per rone. 99 266 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru On the pre-Inca epoch, we list Max Uhle, Estado actual de la pre historia ecuatoriana (Quito, 1929); J. Mejia Valera, Organizacion de la sociedad en el Peru preeolombino (Lima, 1946) and R. Larco Hoyle, Los M oehicas (Lima, 1938-39).

On the Inca period, we may mention the following books: J. Imbel 10ni, La esfinge indiana (Buenos Aires, 1926) and Pachacuti IX, el lnkario eritieo (Buenos Aires, 1946); R. Latcham, "Los Incas, sus origenes y sus ayllus," Revista de la Universidad de Chile, V and VI (Santiago de Chile, 1927-28); H. Urteaga, EI Peru (Lima, 1928) and EI imperio incaico, en el que se incluye la historia del ayllo y familia de los Incas (Lima, 1931); J. de 1a Riva-Agiiero, Civilizacion peruana (Lima, 1937); Lope de Atienza, "Compendio historial del estado de los indios del Peru" (Appendix to La religion del imperio de los Incas by J. JiJ6n y Caamafio [Quito, 1931]); J. Tello, Origen y desarrollo de las civilizaciones prehistoricas andinas (Lima, 1942); H. Bingham, Lost City of the Incas (New York, 1948); H. Horkheimer, EI Peru prehis panico (Lima, 1950); J. A. Fonvielhe, L'evolution juridique et sociale de l'indien du Perou (Bordeaux: thesis, 1952); M. R. T. de Diez Con seco, Pachacutec Inca Yupanqui (Lima, 1953). A number of excellent works have recently been published by H. Osborne and V. von Hagen.

Among monographs, the following may be cited: E. Romero, El de partamento de Puno (Lima, 1928), Tres ciudades del Peru (Lima, 1929), and Balseros del Titicaca (Lima, 1934); Wendell C. Bennett, Chimu Archaeology (reprinted from The Scientific Monthly, July, 1937); J. Vellard, "Un village de structure precolombienne en Bolivie," Annales de geographie, July, 1943; P. Fejos, Archaeological Explora tions in the Cordillera Vileabamba, Southeastern Peru (New York, 1944); A. L. Kroeber, Peruvian Archaeology in 1942 (New York, 1944); A. Posnansky, Tihuanacu, the Cradle of American Man (New York, 1946) and A ntropologia y sociologia de las razas interandinas y de las regiones adjacentes (La Paz, 1938); M. Kuczynski-Godard, El pensa miento arcaico mitico del campesino peruano (Lima, 1948); R. Carrion Cachot, Paracas, Cultural Elements (Lima, 1949); G. A. Otero, La piedra magica (Mexico, 1951); Louis Baudin, "L'indien dans l'econo mie des etats andins," Zeitschrift fur die gesamte Staatswissenschaft, II (1949), "Le probleme de l'indien," Les etudes americaines (1952), "L'Inca Pachacutec, reformateur du monde," Annales de I'Universite de Paris~ April, 1953.

There is, finally, the "Biblioteca de cultura peruana" (Paris, 1938). Three volumes are of interest for us: No.1, Literatura Inca; No.2, Appendix 267 Cronicas de la conquista; and No.3, Pdginas escogidas de Garcilaso de la Vega. Meanwhile, exploration and excavation continue to. be carried on with marked success, bringing to light the civilization of Chavin, the twin cities of Machu Picchu, the sources of the Amazon,lOO the tombs of Paracas, etc. The airplane now makes it possible to recognize the remains of cities and fortresses. 10l To complete this list, it only remains to enumerate the most note worthy magazine articles. But as these have already been mentioned in the course of the present study, we shall cite here merely the reviews that have yielded the richest harvest. In France, there is the Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, to which we add the reports made to the various sessions of the International Congress of Amer icanists; in South America, the Boletin de la Sociedad ecuatoriana de estudios historicos american os of Quito, the work of which has been carried on by the Boletin de la Academia nacional de historia, the Revista hist6rica of Lima, Inca, the Revista universitaria of Lima, the Revista del Museo nacional of Lima, the Mercurio peruano, the Re vista universitaria of Cuzco, the Revista del Archivo hist6rico del Cuzco, Tradici6n, the Revista del Museo de la Plata, and the "Tra vaux de l'Institut franc;ais d'etudes andines" (after 1949 at Lima).

In these periodicals we find articles signed by such erninen t Arner icanists as Verneau J Rivet, Crequi-Montfort, Berthon, Nordenskiold, Hrdlicka, Max Uhle, Otto von Buchwald, Ainsworth Means, Jijon y Caamafio, De la Riva-Agiiero, Gonzalez de la Rosa, H. Urteaga, De benedetti, C. Ugarte, J. Vellard, H. Reichlen, Marie Helmer, etc. And now that we have listed the authors who have spoken of the Incas, it is fitting that we should name those who ought to have done so and have not. Durkheim, Giddings, Ward, Bouctot, Sudre, Sagot, Altamira, Adler, Conrad, Pohlman-these hardly mention the Peru vians. Among the economists, Vilfredo Pareto and Joaquin Costa have vouchsafed a few pages to them; Nicholson, a few lines. This silence becomes understandable if one considers the difficulties presented by the study of Peruvian social institutions before the dis covery of America. The enormous mass of documents of far from equal value, which we have briefly glimpsed here, disheartens the inves tigator. Many of these ancient writers are dispiritingly long-winded and distressingly naive. Many of the modern writers avoid entering into the investigation of economic questions or simply defend preconceived 268 A Socialist Empire: The Incas of Peru theses. Yet in all of them we can find something that we can glean; their very contradictions and uncertainties put us on the trail of the truth.

Is it not paradoxical that in our day we still persist in borrowing our examples of state socialism or agrarian collectivism from the Sparta of Lycurgus or the Germany of remote antiquity when the empire of the Incas is as close to us as the fifteenth century and that we continue to quote Tacitus without any desire to mention the Spanish chron iclers? 102 Notes NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 1. We refer the reader to works in which this problem is thoroughly studied and resolved, in particular the Traite d'economie politique published in 1960 by the Librairie Dalloz at Paris. We have given our own solution in Vol. I, ch. viii. 2. One of the strangest attempts at socialization seems to have been made in China in the eleventh century, but it was of brief duration, and we cannot, in the absence of documents, judge its scope. As in the Egypt of the Lagides, this experiment appears to have been predominantly fiscal in character. Cf. Soulie de Morant, L'histoire de la Chine; an article by the same author in the Mercure de France (May 15, 1938); the celebrated work of Father Hue, L'empire chinois~ Vol. II (English translation, under the title The Chinese Empire~ published in 1859); and finally, a paper by Le6n Caubert submitted to the Academie des Sciences morales et poli tiques in 1895, entitled "Un essai de socialisme en Chine au XIieme siecle."