CHAPTER XIV ADDENDUM

Summarizing this suggested approach to the problem of our well-being, an attempt has been made to demonstrate:

1. That political labels, colors, isms and other convenient handles are confusing and misleading and in no sense can be used as a measure in determining an individual’s objectives or highmindedness and are no guide, whatever, to the soundness of one’s views.

2. That for a variety of reasons, a portentous discontent permeates the national atmosphere, a substantial removal of which is essential to the continuance of the American way of life.

3. That those actually impoverished compose the core of this discontent; that the amelioration of their position is a requisite to the removal of the threatening phase of this discontent.

4. That nothing is lacking for a program of more goods and more services for more people (this being the only way to relieve impoverishment) except the knowledge of how best to use existing facilities.

5. That the formula for creating more goods and more services for more people is precisely definable.

6. That many of our practices and much of our behavior unwittingly subvert the performance of this formula; that these subversions syphon the advantages that would otherwise flow naturally in a wide diffusion to the population; and that it is our duty to identify them and to discourage their existence.

7. That there are things we can do which will serve to promote the performance of this formula, the foremost of which are, first, improved relationships between the citizen and his government; second, technological advance and, third, the development of a realistic, dynamic, voluntary leadership.

8. That there are no short cuts to an abundant life, no panaceas or legislative resolution that can replace the homely virtues of individual endowment and, finally, that the mere recognition of right principles is the best insurance against want and material deprivation because such recognition, on a wide scale, would thwart the institution of further subversive behaviors.

It isn’t my intention to give the impression that I believe material welfare is all there is to this life on earth. Far from it. But it is the material problem, the economic problem, about which western civilization is making such an ado. Of course, if the moral standard were higher, if religious thinking possessed some of its earlier fervor, if man thought more in spiritual terms, he would, as a consequence, be less perplexed with his standard of living status. He would apply a different system of values—consequences would have different meanings.

But this is merely an “if” proposition—it is argument from a non-existent premise. Many of us wish that these really richer values had a greater significance. But they are as they are. What will restore them? Adversity? Or economic satisfaction? On this point, I confess no well-founded opinions.

Whatever one’s wishes may be concerning other values, it is the economic cauldron that is stewing. It is in this field that competent leadership, at the moment, is so sorely needed. And it is in this field that it should be and can be furnished. Furthermore, it can be effectively furnished. Such an admission, however, does not commit one to the proposition that it will be furnished. The liquidation of the difference between can and will is dependent on a lot of personal qualities which, right now, are only in smattering evidence. Nor is there any basis for estimating the extent to which these qualities will be developed and released. Any answers can be but reckless conjectures.

Some will continue to work and hope no matter how dark the clouds, how great the odds. They have concluded that there is some of God’s or Nature’s work to be done in perfecting a society and an economy in which man can best serve himself. They receive a spiritual satisfaction in contributing to an order that will minimize want and poverty. And they get an equal satisfaction from resisting currents which they sincerely believe will weaken such an order. Enough of this cosmic journey!

Changes, almost too extensive to comprehend, have already overtaken America. The people have voted for stability and security as though voting for these age-long desires would automatically result in their fulfilment. They have, willingly and gleefully, unburdened themselves of individual responsibility and tossed it, en masse, into a centralized, authoritarian government from which the millennium is supposed to emerge.

And the proposed millennium is well along in its legislation. Now, let’s be realistic. Most of these statutes are going to remain for a long, long time. Legislated social security, for instance, will have generations of experiment before it is popularly determined that statutes of themselves do not and cannot bring enduring and beneficial results. So it will be with many of the other collectivist measures. We are going to live with them whether we like them or not.

There are not very many, irrespective of contempt for these measures (contempt based on opinions of results and not based on alleged objectives), who want to see the national economy go smash merely to prove their point. Love for America far transcends these resentments.

Now the detrimental effect of the collectivist application, on its present scale, is much less in its direct cost than in its destruction of the philosophy of individual responsibility. Millions of people are working less and thinking in terms of working still less, harboring the comfortable notion that the government will make up for them that which they would rather not make for themselves. This is a perfectly devastating state of mind.

Assuming that the theory of the collectivists will continue to work this destruction to individual responsibility, isn’t it logical then that an opposite, compensating movement should be undertaken? Isn’t it obvious that we should do something to counteract this fading philosophy, which at the same time would support the errors of our ways? In other words, we have burdened ourselves with a thousand and one things. Should we not attempt to strengthen ourselves to bear the burden? Perhaps it is only in a newly developed strength that we can get rid of some of the burdens.

A wealth crusade (diagrammed along sound economic lines and projected along sound psychological lines) is the answer—more goods and more services for more people. It is the only possible way that these newly acquired burdens can be kept from destroying us. The idea could be given popular appeal. It could be made to win recruits. It could be made to focus men’s minds on the fundamental proposition that wealth can come only from production. It could be made to take the focus off legislative halls. It could be made to give us a new and valuable sense of direction. It could be made to put America to work—to useful and satisfying work. That is the kind of opportunity I am asking for Leonard, Jr. and Jimmie and for other American boys and girls.

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