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Chapter 32 of 47 · The Principles of Ethics, Volume I by Herbert Spencer

XI. Industry

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CHAPTER XI. INDUSTRY. § 167. If we are to understand the origins and variations of the sentiments, ethical and pro-ethical, which have been entertained in different times and places concerning indus try and the absence of industry, we nlust first note certain fundamental distinctions between classes of human activities, and between their relations to the social state. Industry, as we now understand it, scarcely exists among priInitive men-scarcely, indeed, can exist before the pastoral and agricultural states have been established. Living on wild products, savages of early types have to expend their energies primarily in gathering and catching these: the obtainment of some, like fruits and roots, being easy and safe, and the obtainment of others, such as beasts of 'which some are swift and some are large, being difficult and dangerous. After these the remaining activities, more diffi cult and dangerous than those the chase implies, are implied by warfare with fellow-men. Hence the occupations of the utterly uncivilized may be·roughly divided into those which demand strength, courage, and skill, in large measure, and those which demand them in but small Ineasure or not at all. And since in most cases the preservation of the tribe is Inainly determined by its success in war and the chase, it results that the strength, courage, or skill shown in these, come to be honoured both for themselves and for their value INDUSTRY. 423 to the tribe. Conversely,· since the digging up of roots, the gathering of wild fruits, and the collecting of shell-fish, do not call for strength, courage, and skill, and do not conspicu ously further tribal preservation, _these occupations come to be little honoured or relatively despised. .An implication strengthens the contrast. While the stronger sex is called on to devote itself to the one, the other is left to the weaker sex: ,sometimes aided by conquered men, or slaves. Hence arises a further reason why, in primitive societies, honour is given to the predatory activities while the peaceful activities are held in dishonour. Industry, therefore, or that which at first represents it, is not unnaturally condemned by the pro ethical sentiment.

The only kinds of activity to be classed as industrial which the warriors of the tribe may enter upon, are those necessitated by the making of weapons and the erection of wigwams or huts: the one, closely associated with war and the chase, demanding also the exercise of skill; and the other demanding both skill and strength-not the moderate strength shown in monotonous labour, but the great strength which has to be suddenly exerted. And these apparent ex ceptions furnish a verification; for they further show that the occupations held in contempt are those which, demanding relatively little power, physical or intellectual, can be carried on by the inferior. The contrast thus initiated between the sentiments with which these classes of occupations are regarded, has persisted with but small, though increasing, qualification, throughout the course of human progress; and it has thus persisted because the causes have in the main persisted. While the self-preservation of societies has most conspicuously de pended on the activities implied by successful war, such ~ activities have been held in honour; and, by implicati9n, industrial activities have been held contemptible. Only dur ing recent times-only no,v that national welfare is becom ing Inore and more dependent on superior powers of produc424 THE INDUCTIONS OF ETHICS.

tion, and such superior powers of production are beconling more and more dependent .on the higher nlental faculties, are other occupations than militant ones rising into respecta 'bility; while simultaneously respectability is being acknowl edged in the accompanying capacity for persistent and Inonotonous application. Carrying this clue with us, we shall be able now to under stand better the ethics of labour, as changing from people to people and from age to age. § 168. The North American Indians furnish the simplest and clearest illustrations of predatory habits and associated sentiments. Schoolcraft says of the Chippewas :"They have regarded the use of the bow and arrow, the war-club and spea~, as the noblest employments of man.... To hunt well and to fight well. are the first and the last themes of their hopes and praises of the liv ing and the dead. . . . They have ever looked upon agricultural and me chanicallabors as degrading."

Of the Snake Indian, Levvis and Clarke "Trites:-" He would consider himself degraded by being compelled to walk any distance." Of kindred nature is Burton's account of the Dakotas :" The warrior, considering the chase as an ample share of the labour-curse, 'is so lazy that he will not rise to saddle or unsaddle his pony. . . . Like a wild beast he cannot be broken to work: he would rather die than employ himself in honest industry." By the Inore civilized Iroquois, too, the primitive feeling was displayed-" The ,varrior despised the toil of husbandry, and held aU labour beneath him.:' Even the unwarlike Esqui maux is said to exhibit a like aversion. "He hunts and fishes, but having brought his booty to land troubles himself no further about it; for it would be' a stigma on his character, if he so much as drew a seal out of the water." There being, perhaps, for this usage a plea like that possessed by the usage of the Chippewayans, among whom, "when the men kill any large beast, the women are always sent to bring it to the tent" -the plea, namely, that the chase, whether on sea or on land, is extrelnely exhausting.

INDUSTRY. 425 Passing to South America we meet with facts of kindred meaning. Men of the Guiana tribes take no share in industry, save in making clearance for the growing of food: each lies "indolently in his hammock until necessitated to fish, or use the more violent exercise of the chase, to provide for the wants of his family." And then of the Araucanialls, warlike but agricultural (apparently because there is but little scope for the chase), we are told that "the 'lord and master' does little but eat, sleep, and ride about." In the wording of this last statement, as by .implication in the other statements, we may see that in early stages the egoism of 1nen, unqualified by the altruism which amicable social intercourse generates, leads them to devolve on women all exertions which, unaccornpanied by the pleasures of achievement, are monotonous and wearisome. "The lord and master" does what he likes; and he likes to lllake the woman (or his WOlnan'as the case may be) do .all the dull and hard work. Proofs of this are multitudi nous. America furnishes· instances in the accounts of the Chippewayans, Creeks, Tupis, Patagonians; as witness these extracts :...:." This labourious task [dragging the sledges] falls mostly heavily on the women; nothing can more shock the feelings of a' person, accustomed to civilized life, than to witness the state of their degradation. H '" ~rhe women perform all the ]~bour, both in the house and field, and are, in fact, but slaves to the men."

"When they removed, the women were the beasts of burthen, and carried the hammocks, pots, wooden pestles and mortars, and all their other household stock." The lives of the Patagonian women are. (, one continued scene of labour •... They do everything, except hunting and fighting." Here, again, are testimonies given by travellers in Africa concerning the Hottentots, Bechuanas, Kaffirs, Ashantis, ,people of Fernando Po and the Lower Niger. The wife" is doomed to all the toil of getting and dressing provisions for" her husband. "herself and children ..... and to all the care and 'drudgery within doors, with a share of the fatigue in tending the cattle." "The women build the houses; plant and reap the corn; fetch water 426 THE INDUOTIONS OF ETHIOS. and fuel; and cook the food. It is very rarely that the men are seen helping the women, even in the most laborious work." "Besides her domestic duties, the women has to perform all the hard work; she is her husband's ox, as a Kaftr once said to me,-she has been bought, he argued, and must therefore labour."

"It may he remarked, that the weightiest duties generally devolve upon the wife, who is to be found 'grinding at the mill,' transacting busintjss in the market, or cultivating the plantation." "The females in Fernando Po have a fair portion of work assigned to them, such as planting and collecting the yam . . . but they are certainly treated with greater consideration and kindness than in any part of Africa we visited." On the lower Niger, "women are commonly employed in the petty retaH trade about the country; they also do a great deal of hard work, especially in the cultivation of the land." Of 'which extracts it may be remarked that the latter ones, which concern races of more advanced kinds, carrying on more settled industries, show that 'with theln the slavery of women is less pronounced. Beyond that dis11onou.rableness1vhich, in early stages, attaches to labour because it can be performed by women, who in most cases are incapable, or considered to be inca pable, of war and the chase; there is the further dishonour ableness which attaches to it because, as above pointed out, it is carried on also by conquered men or slaves-by men, that is, proved in one or other way to be inferior. In very early stages we sometimes find slaves thus used for the non-pre datory occupations which their lnasters find irksoITle. Even of the Ohinooks we read that "slaves do all the laborious work;" and they are often associated "with the women in this function. Says Andersson :"The Damaras are idle creatures. What is not done by the women is left to the slaves, who are either the descendants of impoverished mem bers of their own tribe or. . . captured Bushmen."

Describing the people of ErnbOluma on the Congo, Tuckey writes :"The cultivation of the ground is entirely the business of slaves and women, the King's daughter's and princes' wives being constantly thus employed." Burton tells us that in Dahomey" agriculture is despised, because slaves are employed in it;" but a great deal of it INDUSTRY. 427 seelns to be done by wonlen. And similarly of the Mishmees in Asia, we· read that "the women and sTaves do all the cultivation." Naturally, then, and, indeed, we may say necessarily, there gro,vs up in these early stages a profound prejudice against labour-a pro-ethical sentiment condemnatory of it. How this pro-ethical sentiment, having the sanction of ancestral usages, assumes this or that special character according to the habits which the environment determines, we are vari ously shown. Thus we read that~ The Bushmen "are sworn enemies to the pastoral life. Some of their maxims are, to live on hunting and plunder."

"The genuine Arabs disdain husbandry, as an employment by which they would be degraded." In "\vhich examples,as in many already given, we may see how a mode of life long pursued, determines a congruous set of feelings and ideas. And the strength of the prejudices which maintain inherited customs of this class, is shown by sundry anomalous cases. Livingstone tells us of the East Africans that"Where there 'are cattle, the women till the land, plant the corn, and build the huts. 1'he men stay at home to sew, spin, weave, and talk, and milk the cows." Still more strange is the settled division of labour between the sexes in Abyssinia. According to Bruce"It is infamy for a man to go to market to buy anything. He cannot carry water or bake bread; but he must wash the clothes belonging to both sexes, and, in this function, the women cannot, help him." In Cieza's account of certain ancient Peruvians, the Cafiaris, we find a kindred system :The women" are great labourers, for it is they who dig the land, sow the crops, and reap the harvests, while their husbands remain in the houses sewing and weaving, adorning their clothes, and performing other feminine offices. . . . Some Indians say that this arises from the dearth of men and the great abundance of women."

Possibly such anomalies as these have arisen in cases where surrounding conditions, causing decrease of predatory ac428 THE INDUCTIONS OF ETHICS. tivities while the labours of women continued to suffice for purposes of production, left the men to lead idle lives or lives filled with easy occupations. ,Ve may safely infer that among barbarous peoples, the men did not take to hard and monotonous labour until they were obliged. § 169. But where chronic militancy did not effectually keep down population, increase of it made peremptory the devotion of lllen to food-production; and with this change in social life there was initiated a change in the pro-ethical sentiments respecting labour. The Khonds furnish an ex ample. They" consider it beneath their dignity to barter or traffic, and ..• regard as base and plebeian all who are not either warriors or tillers of the soil." So of the J avans we are told that"They have a contempt for trade, and those of higher rank esteem it disgraceful to be engaged in it; but the common people are ever ready to engage in the labours ,of agriculture, and the chiefs to honour and encour age agricultural industry/' From various sources we learn that the Germanic tribes, both in their original habitats and in those ,vhich they usurped, became reconciled to husbandry as an alternative to hunting and marauding:. doubtless because by no other occupation could adequate sustenance be obtained.

Concerning these and kindred transitional states, two pass ing remarks may be ventured. One is that since industry, chiefly agricultural, is at first carried on by slaves and WOlnen, working under authority, it results that when freemen are forced by want of food to labour, they have a strong preju dice against labouring for others, that is, labouring for hire; since working under authority by contract, too much resembles working under authority by compulsion. While Schomburgk characterizes the Caribs as the most industrious race in Guiana, he says that only the extremest lleed can induce a Carib so far to lower his dignity as to· work for INDUSTRY. 429 wages for a European. This feeling is shown with equal or greater strength by some peaceful peoples to wholn subordi ,nation is unfarniliar or unknown. Speaking of Sou.-th-East India, Lewin says :" Among the hill tribes labour callnot be hired; the people work each one for himself. In 1865, in this district, a road· had to be cut; but although fabulous wages were offered, the hill-population steadily refused to work." .

And still more decided is the aversion to working under orders shown by the otherwise industrious Sonthal"The Sonthal will take service with no one, he will perform no work except for himself or his family, and should any attempt be made to coerce him, he flies the country or penetrates into the thickest jungle, where un~ known andllnsought, he commences clearing a patch of ground and erect ing his log hut." The other remark is. that the scorn for trade which, as above shown, at first coexists with the honouring of agri culture, is possibly due to the fact that it was Qriginally carried on chiefly by unsettled classes, who were detached, untrustworthy members of a community in which most men had fixed positions. But the growth of trade slowly brought a changed estirnate. As, in hunting tribes, ~gricult ure, relatively unessential, was despised, but became respect able when it became an indispensible means to maintenance o£ life ;so trade, at .first relatively unessential (since essential things were mostly made at home), similarly lacked the sanction of necessity and of ancestral custonl, but in cours~ of tinle, while growing intoilnportance, gradually ceased to excite that pro-ethical sentinlent whieh vents itself in contelnpt.

§ 170. With the growth of populous societies and the more and luoreiJnperati ve need for agriculture, the honour ableness of labour does not for long periods obtain recog nition, for the reasons indicated at the outset: it is car ried .on by slaves, or by serfs, or in later days by men 430 rfHE INDUCTIONS OF ETHICS. more or less inferior in body or mind. A strong associa tion in thought is thus establisheq; and the natural repug nance to work is enforced by the" belief that engagement in it is a confession of a low nature. Though, in the literatures of ancient civilized societies, we find the duty of labouring insisted on, it seems mostly to be the duty of subject men. The injunction contained in the Code of J\tIanu-" Daily perform thine own appointed work unweariedly," refers by implication to men under authority: "appointed" work implies a n1aster. So, too, according to the Book if the Dead (cxxv), the Egyptian, 'vhen questioned after death, had to declare-" I have not been idle," and, "I have not made delays, or dawdled." Froln the phras ing of the last sentence "ve 111ay fairly infer that the ·work diligently performed w·as work c0l11manded. Of the 1-1e brews the saIne may be concluded. Ren1elnbering that, being originally pastoral, they long continued to regard the care of cattle as relatively honourable (like the exist ing Arabs among WhOIIl, when the men are not raiding, their only fit occupation is herding); we may similarly gather that the obligation to work was mostly the obliga tion imposed on servants or slaves: slaves being usually the proper word. Though the third C0l11mandment applies to masters as well as to, servants, yet, even supposing the Conlmandments were indigenous, the fact that the life was still Inainly pastoral, implies that the work spoken of was pastoral work not n1anuallabour. It is true that in the legend of Adani's condemnation, the curse of labour is iD;lposed on all his descendants; but we have, in the ,first place, good reason for regarding this legend as of Babylonian origin, and we have, in the second place, the inference suggested by recent researches, that the Adami, a dark race, ·were slaves, and that the eating of the forbidden fruit reserved for the superior race, was a punishable trans gression; just as 'was, in ancient Peru, the 'eating of coca, similarly reserved for the Y nca class. So that possibly INDUSTRY.

among the Hebrews also, the duty of working was imposed on inferior men rather than on men as such. In Persian literature we do, indeed, meet with Inore distinct. recognition of the virtuousness of labour irrespective of conditions. Thus it is said:-" A. sower of seeds is as great in the eyes of Ormusd, as if he had given existence to a thousand creatures." And in The Parsees, by Dosabhoy Framjee, we read that " The Zoroastrian is taught by his religion to earn his bread by the sweat of his brow." § 171. The peoples of Europe from early days do'\vn to our; own, illustrate this relation between the kind of social activity and the prevailing senthnent about labour. We have first the evidence which the Greeks furnish. Plato, showing his feeling towards traders by saying that the legislator passes them over, while for agriculturists .he shows such respect as is iInplied by giving them laws, shows more fully in the Republic how degraded he holds to be all producers and distributors: comparing them to the basest parts of the indi vidual nature. Similar is· the belief ex pressed, and feeling manifested, by Aristotle, who says: "It is inlpossible for one who lives the life of a mechanic or hired servant to practice a life of virtue."

Nor has· it been otherwise •further West. In the Roman world, along with persistent and active militancy, there went an increasing degradation of the non-militant class-slaves and freedmen. And throughout "the dark ages," which collapse of the brutal civilization of Rome left behind, as well as throughout those ages during which perpet ually recurring wars at length established large and stable kingdolns, this contempt for industry, both bodily and mental, continued; so that not only unskilled labour and the skilled ·labour .of the craftsman, but also the intellectual labour of the educated man, were treated with contempt. Only in proportion as fighting ceased to be the exclusive business of life with aU but the subject classes, 29 432 THE INDUCTIONS OF ETHICS. and only as the subject . classes, shnultaneously growing larger,' gained a. larger share in the formation of opinion did the. honourableness of industry become in some measure recognized: any. praise of it previously given by the governing classes, being due to the consciousness that it conduced to their welfare.

In modern days, especially among ourselves and the Arnericans, the industrial part of society has so greatly outgrown the militant part, and has come to be so much l110re operative in fornling the sentilnents and ideas con cerning industry, that. these are almost reversed. Though unskilled labour is· still regarded with something like contenlpt, as implying inferiority of capacity· and of social position; .and though the labour of the artisan, more respected because of the higher mental power it. implies, is little respected because of its class associations; yet intellectual labour has in recent titnes acquired an honour able status. But the fact .chiefly to be. noted is that along ,vith the advance of industrialism towards social suprenlacy, there has arisen the ahnostuniversal· feeling that some kind of useful occupation is imperative. Con demnations of. the "idle ,rich" arenow-a-days uttered by the rich themselves.

It may be noted, however,. that· even still, among those "Tho represent the ancient regime-the military and naval officers-the old feeling survives; with the result that those among them who possess the highest culture-the medical officers, both military and naval, and the engineer officers-are regarded as standing on a lower level than the rest, and are treated with· less consideration by the authorities. § 172. Thus as in all the preceding chapters, so in this ehapter, we see that the ethical conceptions, or rather the pro-ethical conceptions, are determined by the forms of the social activities. Towards such activities as are most.

INDUSTRY. conspicuously conducive to the ,welfare :of the rsociety, sentiments of approbation are called forth, and conversely; the result being tpat the idea of right comes to be associated with. the ,presence of theln,and·. wrong .,.with the absence of them. Hence the general contrast sho'\vn from the earliest stages down to the latest, between the disgracefulness of labour in societies exclusively warlike, and the honourable ness of labour in peaceful societies, or in societies relatively peaceful. This contrast is significantly indicated by the contrast betw~een the ceremonies at the inauguration of a ruler. Among uncivilized militant peoples, in the formal act of lnaking or crowning a chief or king, weapons always figure: here he is raised on a shield above the shoulders of his followers, and there the sword is girded on or the spear handed to him. And since, in most cases, relatively peaceful societies have preserved in their traditions the ceremonies used in their exclusively militant days, it rarely happens that the inauguration of a ruler is free from .

symbols of this kind. But one significant case of freedom from them is supp!ed by that tribe in Africa, the Manansas, already named, who, driven by warlike tribes around into a hill-country, have devoted thenlselves to agriculture, and who say :-" We 'want not the blood of the beasts, much less do we thirst for the blood of men I" for among them, according to Holub, a new sovereign receives as tokens, some sand, stones, and a hammer, "symbolizing industry and labour." There is one remaining fact to be named and emphasized. Out of the pro-ethical sentiments which yield sanction to industry and make it honourable, there ~ventual1y emerges the ethical sentiment proper. This does not enjoin labour for its OWfi. sake, but enjoins it as implied by the duty of self-sustentation instead of sustentation by others. The virtue of work consists essentially in the performance of such actions· as suffice to meet the cost of maintaining 434 THE INDUCTIONS Olf ETHICS~ self and dependents and discharging social duties; while the disgracefulness of idleness essentially consists in the taking from the common stock the means of living, while doing nothing either to add to it or otherwise to further ' lnen's happiness.

The Principles of Ethics, Volume I

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