Chapter IV - Government Attitude Toward Labor

Meantime, it is full as well to get off a lot of hot-air about "wage slavery," "autocracy of capital," the "aspirations of labor," the "right to organize," the "right to strike," the "right of free assembly," the "right of collective bargaining," etc., for the bene fit of the press and the pulpit; also to tip the wink to the politicians, that the Labor vote is theirs, or not, according as the police permit or prevent a little wholesome slugging of non-union men, who come around the plant after work. All this is such an old, old story, of such common knowledge, that there is no need to prove it here. The point in repeating it is, that just to buy Labor's vote, politicians have long accepted its programme (of unlimited combination to restrain trade, fix prices, and coerce all concerned) as man-to man fair, lawful, and within constitutional right; despite the fact that it is denounced as criminal by good conscience, common sense, and the Common Law. The aforesaid acceptance has been a progres sive process, as the trade-union programme itself has broadened. Fifty years ago but a few local unions, in isolated cities, held up one employer at a time; and traded only with the local authorities, for the labor vote at local elections, in exchange for blind, deaf, and dumb policemen along the picket line. (For if there is no picket line, or if the picket line cannot terrorize all comers, strikes fail nine times out of ten.

Organized Labor knows, by long experience, that there are plenty of men ready to take open jobs; if [ 88 ] Government Attitude Toward Labor no one is waiting around the corner to call "scab!" or beat them up.) Before very long union leaders found out that it was often necessary, in order to keep a long strike going, to pay the men on strike a· few dollars a week to keep them and their families going, too; but that, on the other hand, such use of union funds often left little to speak of for the leaders themselves. For it takes about all the men can pay in dues to cover normal leaders' salaries and general expenses, not to mention a lot of extras during strikes; and strikes are apt to "spread" to other plants in the same neighborhood, causing further drain on union funds. So, very naturally, the leaders made alliance, offensive and defensive, between groups of unions of the same crafts, but not in the same strike field. This also broadened the political power of the alliance, as its membership came to number votes in many cities and states. The evident advantage to labor was enormous.

Finally, came Gompers and his American Federa tion of Labor, covering all trades, all cities, all states, all industries, all politics; in short, the nation. It matured the present union conception of the "right to organize, to strike, and to bargain collec tively"; to wit, that Gompers and Co. may deliber ately work up conspiracy among a few hundred or thousand men, who hold strategic jobs-switchmen, or railway shop men, or coal miners, for instance to stop vital work all at once,everywhere, in order to "hold up" the community for cash; and yet break no moral or statute, even though "incidental" violence results. Let me do the politicians the justice to say that while they came generally to accept this monstrous pretension of Organized Labor they probably have [ 89 ] Too Much Government-Too Much Taxation fallen into the habit of doing so merely to oblige the Labor Vote, without reflecting where it would land the country; until forcibly brought up against it, again and again. But now at last, in this year 1922, some few of them refuse, and many more do not dare any longer, to leave the nation at the mercy of wage-bandits.

Charles Reade's novel, "Put Yourself in His Place," written in the 50's, I suppose-in my boy hood, anyway-gave me my first glimpse of trades union ferocity. After that, from time to time as I grew up, the newspapers printed tale on tale from life, always to the same general effect. A strike was called, a picket line was formed, men seeking work came along; some poor fellow was beaten, crippled, killed-seldom one of the strikers; his wife and children were left destitute. Nobody ever saw it, no one was arrested; or, if arrests were made, no witnesses came forward to convict the guilty mur derer. The blame was often their own, so said the papers, just as it was the other day at Herrin put upon the dead man himself, for "provoking unknown strike sympathizers" to kill him. The unions al ways forbade their members to do violence-so they said; yet they never prevented it, though their pickets were at hand; and they never gave evidence to convict a "sympathizer." The murder was merely a "regrettable incident; such as seems unavoidable in industrial warfare."

In short, during my reading lifetime of say sixty years there has been very little enforcement of law, or keeping the peace during strikes ; unless the crime attains such magnitude as to menace everybody, and arouse popular outcry. Then, indeed, the author ities get busy-but not before. Such has been the story of-countless local strikes, and such the con[ 90 ,] Government Attitude Toward Labor temptible share of local government therein. By now some 80,000 of them must be on record, since 1880, at the Department of Labor. Latest and worst of these "regrettable incidents" -but only because more exactly reported-and precisely like all the rest· in every hideous feature, was the massacre of non-union miners at Herrin, Illinois, June 22, 1922, and the shameful refusal of the dastards. who hold local and state offices there either to protect or to avenge the victims of cold blooded murder and torture.

To show that the Herrin horror was not accidental or exceptional, but merely an aggravated case of vi olence and law-breaking regularly practiced by Unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, and that these things were, to say the least, well known to and winked at by the Government, I here quote at some length from one of a series of open letters to Congress of Ex-Governor J. M. Brown, of Georgia, dated September 22, 1921. "A PARTIAL LIST OF ASSAULTS UPON NON-UNIONWORK MEN AND WOMEN." Assaults upon only one non-union man at a time Instances. By one striker. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 By two strikers. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 By three strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 27 By four strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 By five strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 By six strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 By seven to ten strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 By ten to fifteen strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 By fifteen to twenty strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 By twenty to fifty strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 By fifty to one hundred strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II By "strikers" (numbers not given), victim wounded 121 By "strikers" (numbers not given), victim killed 29 By "a mob, or crowd," of strikers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 [ 9 1 ] Too Much Government-Too Much Taxation Instances By one striker's" picket" .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . z By two strikers' "pickets".. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 By three strikers' "pickets". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • 14 By four st~iker~' ,:' ~icket~:' ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 By five stnkers pIckets... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 By six to ten strikers' "pickets".. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 By ten to fifteen strikers' "pickets" . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 3 By fifteen to twenty-five strikers' "pickets" . ... . . . 7 By thirty ~trikers' "pickets" .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I By:: a .crow~, of" strikers' "p~ckets" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4By pIckets (numbers not gIven) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 486 Note that of the above total in only forty-seven instances were the as saults made upon one man by only one striker or strikers' picket.

But to the above total must yet be added the following: Homes invaded by strikers who' vilely insulted 'and in several instances brutally attacked the women dwelling therein. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5S Union pickets were the miscreants who invaded five of these homes. Dwelling houses dynamited (four women, two girls wounded, one woman killed) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Dwelling houses stoned. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. IZ Dwelling houses shot into (four women shot) . .•. . • IZ Dwelling houses burned. . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 3 Dwelling houses invaded, dynamited, shot into, stoned or burned. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 Could the combination of contemptible cowardice and brutal, heartless crime which mark the activities of the American Federation of Labor in the domain of this "government of law, not of men" (?) be more con clusively exposed than in the above table?

"J. E~ Atterburn testified, on November 10, 1906, that members of the iron molders' union insulted the employees of the foundry company (in Kansas City, Kas.) applied to them vulgar, obscene, and profane lan guage. such language being too vile and indecent to be placed in an affi davit. Affiant further avers that more than twelve times in three months he was met by mobs composed of members of the iron molders' union and sympathizers who forcibly stopped and surrounded him, pulled his coat, rubbed their hands over his face and used the most vile and insult ing language, daring him to just lift a hand or make a move to give the mob an excuse or an opportunity of assaulting him." (D. S. Circuit Court, Kas.) [92 ] Government Attitude Toward Labor "John M. Busby testified that, on October 10, 1906, on leaving work in the foundry (in Kansas City, Kans.), he was followed by a mob of strikers, members of the iron molders' union, surrounded and forcibly stopped, insulted and called scab and other vile, obscene, vulgar, and profane names. This crowd got on the car with him, crowded about and threatened to kill him, He was struck in the back of the neck and severely injured. On October 20, 1906, he was pursued from ·the foundry gate by a crowd of men, cursed, threatened, and struck with a brick and again severely injured. Affiant believes he would have been killed by this mob had not a policeman met him; that by reason of these assaults he was forced to give up his employment." (U. S. Circuit Court, Kans.) "Frank York testified that on September 19, 1904', he left the foundry (in Cincinnati) and, on his way to the street car, was followed by a large crowd of strikers. One Berger struck affiant with his fist. Another also struck affiant with something in his hand, hitting him over the left eye cutting a deep wound, causing a flow of blood. Others of the strikers jumped on affiant and tried to strike him. In crossing the street, an other person struck affiant on the jaw. A large crowd gathered around affiant, calling out: 'Scab! throw him into the river,' and using many epithets and threatening language; he was pulled off the car and com pelled to walk across the (Ohio river) bridge." (U. S. Circuit Court, S.

D. Ohio). "Joseph Six testified that, on August 6, 1907, on returning to his home from the foundry (in Detroit, Mich.), he was assaulted, pulled from a street car by twenty men of iron molders' union, struck heavy and vicious blows from all sides and pounded Uiltilhe became unconscious. One of his ribs was broken. On becoming conscious a stranger helped him to a police station and he was taken home. On August 10, 1907, on going to work, he encountered a crowd of fifty striking molders, who surrounded and assaulted him, many of them struck and kicked him He was hit in the nose, mouth, a·nd eyes. One of the strikers said to him: 'If you don't stay out of that shop we'll kill you.' He escaped and afterwards was taken to the foundry in an automobile.". (Circuit Court, Wayne Co., Mich.) Proof has been accumulating for years to the effect that various organizations composing the American Federation of Labor have had in their employ trained thugs, or sluggers, for enforcing their process of brutality. Recent triais in courts have brought this fact clearly before the public. The following press telegrams tell their own story: Chicago, April 28.-Details of an alleged system of slugging, through which, it is charged, officials of the Upholsterers' Union forced workers to obey their orders, were related to-day by Sam Fischer, self-styled slug ger, at the trial of fourteen members of the union for. acts of violence during the strike from August, 1919, to April, 1920.

[ 93 ] Too .Much Government-Too .Much Taxation Fischer declared he had been ordered to cripple men who refused to obey orders, so that they could not work. "I remember one non-union man, another fellow and myself were ordered to slug," he said. "We hit him on the head with a blackjack you could hear his skull pop half a block away. Then my companion kicked him until there was no chance he would be able to work. "Edwin E. Graves, international vice-president of the union, told me one day to get a certain man and to 'get him right.' We cracked him on the head. 1 was afraid we had killed him. 1 ran down town to Graves and told him I thought we had killed the man. " 'Don't worry about that,' said Graves, 'all you have to worry about is your money; here it is.' " From a telegram dated April 29 I quote: "We want to make this guy an object lesson. Fix him right," Fischer testified Graves told him regarding another victim.

"Get anybody who comes out of a shop," was the order Fischer said that Graves gave him just after the international vice-president came to Chicago to direct the strike. "Did you comply with the order?" he was asked. "You bet we did," he said. "vVe stood at the door and waited till we spotted our man. Then we followed him until we could get him in a good place." Otto Ludtke, secretary of the Chicago local No. 24 of the upholsterers' union, who turned State's witness, testified that his union paid sluggers $10 for each victim, and that six bombs to be paid for at $100 each HAD BEEN ARRANGED FOR BY OFFICERS OF THE UNION. Chicago, May 2o.-A confession was obtained to-day by Chief Fitz morris from Andrew Kerr, believed to be the leader of the gang of bomb ers in Chicago responsible for the vandalism in many of the recent labor troubles and race wars. Kerr is a member of Local 42 of the International Union of Steam and Operating Engineers, which recently waged a strike against the laundry owners of the city, who, stirred by a desire to clear up the reign of terror which has menaced Chicago, voluntarily confessed.

He named a dozen men who, he said, had been prominently identified either as the perpetrators or as the instigators of sluggings and bombings. Nine men, including Kerr, are under arrest and others are expected. "1 was really the payoff guy," said Kerr. "That is, I took the money from the union and gave it to the sluggers and bombers. They slug anybody or bomb anything they get money for." The rate· schedule of the "bombing trust," according to Kerr's con fession, was: Government Attitude Toward Labor Ordinary slugging (two men), each $25. Bombing, where two sticks of dynamite are used, $200. Where four sticks of dynamite are used, $250. Where six sticks of dynamite are used, $3°0. "We never carried any guns or anything when we went out on slugging jobs," said Kerr. "When we went bombing we carried guns and we were ready to fight and shoot to kill, because we knew what would happen if we were caught. ."

"There are always three in the car. The driver sits always at the wheel with the engine always running. They whittle the fuse in the car. They always light the fuses in the car. Then they place it and get away." Kerr said the following was a typical order to the bombers: "The orders from Peterson are: Mr. Parkie, the owner of Scrivner's laundry, is on the executive committee of the Laundry Workers Associa tion, and he is the one who is standing in the way of an agreement or doing business with the Laundrymen's Association, and consequently he is not going to get one stick or two sticks, he is going to get four sticks, and if four don't move him he will get six and one in the house where he lives on the back steps, and if it don't kill the wife and children it will make them get down on their knees to him and say 'Papa, we don't want to get killed.' " Chief Fitzmorris announced that Kerr's confession and the arrests cleared up all the mysteries of bombings in Chicago.

When asked to give an estimate on the number of bombing outrages and the amount of damage, the Chief replied: "Dpward of· a 100 and close to $2,000,000 worth of damage to property." These are records of the destruction or invasions of homes and infamous insults to and brutal assaults upon the respectable women and children therein. Some of these I have already given you, but their context with the duty of our Government to protect useful, law-abiding people against vicious elements of lawlessness justifies their reproduction, viz.: "John Ryan (Kansas City, Kans.) testified that on October 9, 1906, affiant, his wife and son were assaulted by members of the iron molders' union because he refused to quit work for the company. ms WIFE WAS KNOCKED DOWN, his son was struck in the side and affiant him self was struck on the head and all were severely injured." (D. S. Cir cuit Court, F. D., Kans.) "Mrs. Joe Polaski (St. Paul, Minn.) testified that on June 19, 1906, striking molders' pickets followed her husband home, jeering and swear ing at him, and on reaching her. called her vile and indecent names.

These pickets rernained around the house for some time." (Notary Public, Ramsey Co., Minn.) "Mrs. John Swanson (St. Paul, Minn.) testified that on June 17, 1906, [ 95 ] Too Much Government-Too Much Taxation striking molders' union pickets called at her house and frightened herself and children by one of them carrying an open clasp knife trying several times to get into the house and remaining around the outside to catch her husband. Policemen were sent for and upon arrival the pickets left the vicinity." (Notary Public, Ramsey Co., Minn.) "Henry Flaherty, July, 20, 19°6, was walking with his brother Daniel when they were met by about twenty molders' union strikers who knocked the brothers down and pursued them to their home, and one J ames Henry, a striker, forced the door open partly and was ejected, and again returned and pounded the door, terrifying Henry's wife." (Circuit Court, Milwaukee, Wis.) "Birmingham, Ala., August 13, 1908.-House of a non-union coal miner at Margaret Mines was shot into. Two women in the house wounded, one wounded seriously." (Birmingham Age-Herald.) RBirmingham, Ala., August 19, 1908.- The dwelling house of Thos.