9. The Distribution Stages

C H A P T E R 9

The Distribution Stages

DISTRIBUTIVE FUNCTIONS were defi nitely and clearly performed in early modern England. The merchants and shopkeepers who provided the services performed other economic functions as well. But the distributive side of their activities was now becoming more clearly separated and growing in importance. Shopkeepers and merchants sold both wholesale and retail quantities; it is important to stress this. The two activities began separating only towards the very end of the period. Shopkeepers also made up retail quantities themselves — for each sale, or readymade for some goods. Distributive outlets consisted of periodic markets, fairs and shops. Their relative importance and role changed considerably over the period. Fairs gradually dropped or reduced their smaller sales, which went to markets and shops, and some fairs declined in consequence. By the later seventeenth century, many had become specialised venues mostly for wholesale and larger retail transactions. Most people continued to buy many of their consumption requirements at periodic markets. Rural sellers, in particular, also bought on market days. In addition, permanent shops were gradually established, mainly for non-perishable consumer goods. In the bigger cities and towns, they opened full-time, but in many smaller towns and villages, they were open only part-time during the sixteenth century. In the later seventeenth century, there is evidence that even towns and villages without markets had shops. Craftsmen retailed their own goods and also sold wholesale to merchants. At fi rst, craftsmen followed their previous practice: on market days, they lowered a board at the front of their workshops.

Then, as they produced more, they began opening more frequently and selling from a specialised area in front (the “shop”) 1.

435

Thus, at retail level, the sale of many perishables (dairy products, meat, fruit and vegetables) remained intermittent but regular: requirements were purchased on market days. Permanent shops were extraordinarily general and sold an entire range of non-perishables: ironmongery, cloth, spices, dried fruit, leather goods, soap, starch, candles, books, paper, etc. As the quantities of such goods increased, more shops were set up, both full-time and part-time.

Many consumer goods were now produced or imported far more regularly.

But with the quantities involved, it was still only possible to have intermittent wholesale transactions at fairs and the like. Thus, with the general growth in the quantities and range of consumer goods coming through from earlier stages of production, the distributive stage also expanded. More circulating capital was invested in this stage, with more labour; and more fi xed capital was beginning to be invested as well.

Now, to put more historical flesh on these analytical bones: Carole

Shammas feels that this distributive sector could cater to middle and upper-income groups only; labourers were very poorly served 2. An examination of this assessment will help to bring out, fi rstly, some important aspects of distribution in this period. Secondly, it is especially necessary to see distribution in its context, to link it into the productive activities of the period (as we shall see).

Shammas points out that labourers had only a few shillings to spend, and most shops were not in the villages but in the market towns, which labourers had great diffi culty in reaching. The average distance to such towns was 7 miles; they could be up to ten miles away; or twice that distance, in the north.

Only a limited range of goods and services might be available, necessitating journeys to other towns. Most villages had “butchers, bakers, millers, brewers and maltsters” at whose “shops” labourers could get “food…for home preparation or ready to eat”. But clothing and craft goods were much more problematic altogether. Shammas refers to the diaries, journals, etc, of middle and upper-income farmers and landlords to reveal the “substantial expenditure of time and money” involved. People were engaged specifi cally to spin, dye, weave, bleach, knit and sew to order. Sewing-women, tailors and shoemakers were lodged while completing their jobs. One country gentleman had wool from his own sheep spun at home, then woven, fulled, dyed and fi nished, and made into a suit. Carpenters, coopers, sawyers, dish-throwers and their assis— tants were hired to fell trees on the estate and turn out beds, wooden dishes, vats, basins and other craft goods. They often lived in, until their jobs were fi nished (up to three weeks for some). Metal was bought and given to the smith for making pothooks, handles, etc 3.

Shammas feels that labourers found it very diffi cult to obtain “standard items of clothing” such as boots, a gown or “a broadcloth coat”. A good woollen suit “could cost £4-£5”, about the same value as the “furnishings in a labourer’s cottage”. Tailors and weavers were widespread, but craft goods and clothing required advance payment or credit. In two sets of late sixteenth century shopkeepers’ accounts, most credit customers had some social standing;

very few credit transactions were as low as 2 shillings or less. Even cash could be a problem: between 1649 [recte] and 1672, farthings and halfpennies were withdrawn from circulation; they were replaced by shopkeepers’ tokens (some town governments also issued tokens) 4.

Shammas compares the availability of shops in small East Anglian market towns (with populations under 2,500) with rural “communities” (parishes) in the region. In market towns, the presence of distributive occupations ranged from 7.7 per cent (apothecaries) to 41.0 per cent (grocers) in the sixteenth century. In the period 1650-99, this range increased: it went from 16.2 (haberdasher) to 75.7 (grocer). The proportion of such towns with none of these distributive occupations fell from 25.6 to 8.1 per cent, over the same two periods: ie the availability of shops improved considerably.

By contrast, the rural “communities” were very poorly served: distributive occupations were found in only 4.9 to 6.5 per cent of rural areas in the sixteenth century. This range went from 8.5 to 14.8 per cent in the years 1650-99. And in the Gloucester area, only 2 out of 72 villages had retailers in the late seventeenth century.

Shammas, therefore, wonders who bought the guides written for “country shopkeepers and pedlars” towards the end of the seventeenth century. She feels the writer who complained (in 1681) about the plethora of shops appears to have been seriously deluded 5.

We may now examine these contentions, to throw some light on the distributive network which developed in these two centuries. Firstly, labourers, as we saw, made from a quarter to a third of the population in many regions. As to the notion that labourers hardly visited market towns: In fact, most did so weekly — for both consumption and production purposes (see below). To begin with distance: as compared with the North, other regions are much more densely-settled (see Table 9.1). For some 50-85 per cent of the population in these regions, the upper limit of the market journey was

9½ miles, so the average would have been somewhat lower, especially in the

East. (And even an average of 7 miles means some labourers are closer than that to a market).

Table 9.1

Percent of population:

distance travelled to market

(1500-1640)

1-5½ miles 6-9½ miles (up to 9½ 20+ miles %%miles) %%

East6025(85)2

South3138(69)0

West2535(60)15

Midlands3614(50)21

North1713(30)50

England3926(65)15

Source: Everitt, AHEW, Vol IV, pp. 498, Table 12

Secondly, as regards the “food shops” which Shammas refers to: only one, perhaps two, out of the fi ve mentioned supplied retail foodstuff s regularly.

Maltsters dealt in malt, an input into brewing. Brewers manufactured beer, although they might occasionally sell retail. Millers converted their customers’ grain into fl our and bakers mostly baked their customers’ bread, pies, etc, although millers might, on occasion, supply fl our and bakers increasingly did provide baked foodstuff s. Only butchers sold retail foodstuff s; and all, especially the fi rst three, could be part-time occupations.

For labourers and craftsmen, their main food was grain, usually barley, which they bought every week at their market town, or from travelling “meal— men” or “badgers”. Flour doesn’t always keep and it attracts insects, so the grain was ground or taken to the miller as required. Then, the bread and pies were baked — increasingly at the baker’s. (In twentieth century India, grain is still purchased and then milled as needed, even at upper-income levels).

Because craftsmen and labourers bought grain, JP’s were anxious to make supplies of grain available during dearth — not prepared foodstuff s 6.

Labourers also visited market towns for purposes connected with production and distribution. Between 1560 and 1640, some 60 per cent of labourers who left inventories had one or more by-employments; the range was 46-78 per cent, according to region. For 52 per cent, their main by-employment was spinning or weaving, but many manufactured butter or cheese or raised poultry, as their main or subsidiary by-employment. In the period 1560-1600, some 62-87 per cent of labourers, in various regions, had cattle and 33-67 per cent had poultry. Between 1610 and 1640, these fi gures declined: the Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 439

range was 53-71 per cent for cattle and 16-39 per cent for poultry. In specifi c areas, many labourers made wooden objects (spoons, trenchers, taps, handles, etc) that were marketed outside these areas as well. All such by-employments necessitated regular trips to the market town. Thus, labourers’ incomes could be somewhat higher than their wages alone would indicate; and labourers were closely connected with their market towns 7.

Clothing and Craft Goods

As mentioned, the diaries, household accounts, etc that Shammas uses, are those of the better off : wealthier farmers and middling landlords. These groups bought meat but also hired a butcher to do the job on the animals from their own home farms. They were substantial retail buyers at fairs. And so, instead of purchasing fabrics or smaller wooden items readymade, they often preferred to bring craftsmen in and have the items made in quantity, from the resources of their own farms or estates. A parallel is found in British India: in many British Colonial households, the tailor made an annual or semi-annual stay, sewing an entire wardrobe in this time. But this certainly is not how the tens of millions of ordinary Indians got their tailoring done. Just so, in early modern England: for ordinary families, the craftsman-retailer provided goods from his workshop or made particular items to order. Shoemakers did so, as we saw earlier. Bowl-turners in East Anglia sold direct to customers and wholesale to merchants; the latter were not reselling to wealthy farmers and landowners.

The same was true of other craftsmen: tailors made up the cloth their customers brought in. A Worcester pewterer had on hand pewter spoons, pots and salt-cellars, as also brass pots and kettles, in 1569. And so on 8.

Shammas refers to a broadcloth coat as a standard item and to woollen suits costing £4 to £5. But broadcloth, as we saw above, was an expensive fabric; one variety cost 9s. a yard in 1632. A Worcestershire clothier presented some to Elizabeth I, as the “fi nest cloth in the world”. As noted previously, labourers and craftsmen wanted hard-wearing work-clothes of canvas, linen or mixed fabrics. A woollen suit was their best clothing and we have seen that there were many moderately-priced fabrics available…eg kersey sold at about

1⁄5 the price of broadcloth.

Shopkeepers and Credit

We saw earlier that shops were extremely heterogenous in this period;

and that labourers did frequent market towns. Credit transactions with shopkeepers were, of course, only for those with suffi cient income. But Shammas also says that many cash transactions were not entered in the books. These 440 Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy

transactions might well have included whatever items labourers bought. And shopkeepers’ tokens were in use for some 23 years, not the entire period. —

Shammas looks to the presence of some 6 distributive occupations in small

East Anglian market towns — grocers, haberdashers, mercers, merchants, drapers and apothecaries. But, in fact, clothiers, hosiers, cordwainers, glovers and chandlers also sold retail; the last were starting to become general shopkeepers in the seventeenth century. Also, the four non-market towns in East Anglia, which Shammas omits, had 3 or 4 distributive trades present. But Wymondham, a “large” market town, had only two. Shammas points out that booksellers were only found in the four or fi ve large towns. But many shops included a surprising range of books in their stock (above, p. 444 and below, p. 466);

— and even pedlars carried books. The general point here is that distributive services were provided by other occupations and were available even outside market towns. More importantly, shopkeepers regularly supplied pedlars and chapmen. So, itinerant retail services extended outward from the fi xed shops in many towns9.

Distribution in Rural East Anglia

The region had between 1,125 and 1,145 rural parishes in the early modern period (the totals have to be calculated from Patten’s data, which gives these results). East Anglia is 3,538 square miles in area, so each rural parish was some 3 square miles on average; some were smaller and others larger, of course. This means the clientele of any tradesman came from several surrounding parishes. These rural areas had bakers, butchers, tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, and various distributive trades, both general and those associated with cloth and clothing. As Table 9.2 shows, their penetration of the rural areas increased substantially between the periods 1500-99 and 1650-99.

Some very small places had retailers or distributive traders. But over these two periods, the rural proportion of the total population fell from about three-quarters to around two-thirds. And East Anglia had some 47 towns, well spread out, with markets and/or distributive trades. So virtually the entire population, not excepting labourers, was served by a distributive network. In addition, the region (as is well-known), was then still a major cloth producer, and some parts specialised in wood products. So, there were many opportunities for by-employment 10.

Table 9.2

Retail and distributive services,

East Anglia, rural parishes (Number)

1500-991650-99

General distributive trades 18 96

Cloth distributive trades 56 77

Professions and services 13 30

Bakers 17 56

Butchers 71154

Tailors172300

Shoemakers 27 32

Carpenters187270

Brewers3 16

Source: Patten, “Changing…,” p. 109 (Table I) p. 111 (Table II)

The 72 villages in the Gloucester region, of which only two had distributive trades, as Shammas points out: These villages were in Gloucester’s hinterland. This contained six market towns which had nine mercers, chandlers etc, and about 38 individuals in the food, drink, clothing and footwear trades. Both the food and drink, and the clothing and footwear trades, were further found in

20 villages each. Most of the towns and villages were less than ten miles from

Gloucester, and were centres of textile production, which came second after agriculture. There were ample by-employments, in short. The point here, as with East Anglia, is that when considering labourers’ incomes, the possibility of by-employments has to be included 11.

Shops

As mentioned previously, shops generally sold the entire gamut of non-perishables. In other words, while a distinct distributive stage was slowly separating out, there was not enough output as yet for further specialisation. In the sixteenth century, the stock in shops was extremely miscellaneous. In 1564, an Exeter merchant had canvas, linen and woollen cloth, shirts, buttons, thread, silk, dried fruit, spices, soap, playing cards, brown paper, parchment, nails, mustard mills, grindstones, and rat poison in his shop and warehouse. He also carried production goods: wax, alum, hops, woollen cards, and metals: lead, tin and brass. In

Ipswich in 1586, a shopkeeper had in stock a variety of linen, woollen, silk and mixed fabrics, pins, points, laces, ribbons, caps, hats, spices, soap, oil, nails and shovels. He also had wax, pitch tar and fl ax, and he made baskets, skips and 442 Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy

winnowing-fans. Another shopkeeper there in the same period carried foodstuff s: butter, cheese, bacon, fl our, oatmeal, all sorts of bread, eggs, apples and turnips, as well as tobacco, spices, vinegar, soap, starch, candles, ribbons, lace, inkles and a variety of threads. Other shops were just a little less miscellaneous;

their stock generally fell into three extremely broad categories: 1. fabrics of all types and also accessories and sewing materials…ie draper’s and mercer’s wares and haberdashery; 2. “groceries”: dried fruit, spices, tobacco, sugar; and also starch, soap, and the like; 3. books, paper, writing implements. By the early seventeenth century, this tripartite division was widespread, although the proportions, of course, varied greatly from shop to shop. Books — even in Kirkby Lonsdale — included ABC’s, primers, and Latin authors.

In the seventeenth century, the range of particular items was extended in many shops, eg there were more spices, and more varieties of fabrics and accessories. New items were added: Greek grammars, lute-strings, glassware, pottery, medicines, gunpowder, shot, and even small tress for the garden. Medicines were widely stocked in many diff erent shops: eg by a mercer in Charl— bury in 1623 and by a Bristol bookseller in 1695; he also sold stationery.

Ironmongers, pewterers, braziers and smiths carried hardware. Chandlers made and sold candles but also carried ironmongery, haberdashery and “groceries”. In the late seventeenth century, a Hereford saddler was clearly branch— ing out: he made and sold saddles, whips, harness, and collars, but also had stirrups, dog chains, shoe buckles, fi shhooks, nails, tobacco-boxes, pistols, holsters and brooms. A certain logic appears in the added range12.

We have seen that distributive trades were found in non-market towns in East Anglia in these two centuries, and even in little places in the countryside. From near the end of the sixteenth century onwards, there is evidence that shops were being established in other places that lacked markets. Between

1590 and 1603, mercers, drapers, haberdashers, shoemakers, butchers and even a goldsmith were found in various smaller towns and larger villages in

Lancashire. Two of these places had markets, but 18 had none. For the period

1649-72, shopkeepers’ tokens unambiguously indicate the general spread of shops. Some 422 to 492 of the places where shopkeepers issued tokens had markets. But there were no markets in 330 to 400 of such places; many were very small indeed13.

In the course of these two centuries, not only did retail and distributive services expand geographically, the numbers involved increased, as did the range of such occupations. In the 1520’s, the following trades were found in even a smaller market town like Oakham in Rutland: miller, butcher (3), grocer, tailor, draper, mercer, glover (2), shoemaker (3), pewterer (3), jointer, Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 443

turner, furbisher, barber (2), minstrel. There were several suppliers of the basic goods and services, of course, but metalware was already just as well-supplied, and better-quality furniture could be had, as well as entertainment. Another small market town nearby had haberdashers and wax-chandlers in addition.

Chester, in 1553, had 18 butchers, 17 drapers, 9 mercers and 6 ironmongers.

In Northampton, Leicester and Coventry up to 1540, the usual retail and distributive trades were found: bakers, millers, butchers, tailors, drapers, mercers, shoemakers, glovers. Coventry had cutlers and locksmiths as well. In

East Anglian towns, during the sixteenth century, the range included all these plus: grocers, haberdashers, hosiers, cordwainers, ironmongers, chandlers, joiners, turners, upholsterers, innkeepers and booksellers. In the next century, these trades spread to more and more towns while gunsmiths, tobacconists and pipemakers were added. Norwich had 29 butchers, 150 grocers and 48 mercers in 1569. Between 1501 and 1525, there were 348 admissions into the freedom involving 29 retail and distributive occupations. By 1657-75, such admissions had risen to 835 in 54 diff erent retail and service trades: both numbers and diversity were increased (Table 9.3 and Appendix). The newer occupations included gingerbread-maker, sugar-baker, soap-boiler, potter, chair— maker, chemist, watchmaker and gardener. Additionally, there were there all those who practiced the various trades without seeking admission. This last was an expanding group: especially as the seventeenth century progressed, the numbers of traders, craftsmen, etc, grew so large that the regulations on admission were ignored and became unenforceable.

Table 9.3

Norwich, Admissions into the Freedom,

1501-1675:

Consumer Goods and Services, Occupational Groupings

1501-25 (No. of…)1651-75 (No. of…)AdmissionsOccupationsAdmissionsOccupationsFood & drink 48 6100 9

Clothing & footwear110 6371 9

Distributive trades121 515911

Metalware & pottery9 4 46 6

Furniture & allied 28 2 77 7

Services 17 3 51 5

Miscellaneous 15 3 32 7

Total3482983554

Source: JF Pound, Tudor and Stuart Norwich, App. II.

Our last example is High Wycombe (Bucks): In the later seventeenth century, it had the standard panoply, as it had now become, of retail and distributive trades: bakers, butchers, fi shmongers, grocers, tailors, glovers, shoemakers, ironmongers and carpenters. To these were added surgeons, musicians and…a dancing-master, no less 14.

Levels of Distribution

Labourers’ by-employments were mentioned above. But at all levels, it was usual to follow more than one occupation or trade: many outputs had not yet risen to the level which made full specialisation possible. This last is found only in some instances. Thus, many farmers also provided carrying services, especially on market days, or pursued a craft, and many rural craftsmen followed both craft and agricultural activities. In larger towns, craftsmen and many shopkeepers were very nearly fully specialised, but in smaller towns clothiers, clothworkers and shopkeepers had some relatively unspecialised agricultural sidelines. Some shopkeepers followed related craft or mercantile activities, while craftsmen might have two or even more lines of activity. Specialisation generally increased in the seventeenth century.

Thus, in Great Yarmouth in the sixteenth century, one individual combined the trades of turner and merchant with other activities, and there were barbers who also taught braiding and reading and mended fi shing nets. In the later sixteenth century, some Manchester shopkeepers also kept pigs and cows. A linen-draper kept a heifer and two cows, dealt in fl ax, and leased a farm. Various Lancashire shopkeepers dealt in wool, in linen yarn and fl ax, and dyed and fi nished cloth. Leicester had tailors who were also involved in spinning, brewing, the production and sale of dairy products, and pigkeeping. It had a fi shmonger-cum-grazier-cum gaoler (part-time); a vintner/ wool— dealer; and a pewterer, most of whose investments were in a malting operation. In 1565 in Bedfordshire, a maltster had shops in three nearby towns. In many market towns throughout the country, the larger shopkeepers also had substantial agricultural assets — up to half the total. Conversely, many farmers and graziers kept relatively large retail shops in town. By the later seventeenth century, however, few shopkeepers followed other lines of activity. A Lichfi eld apothecary owned a cow and a pig, in 1655, and a Lancashire shopkeeper had two milking cows and a butter-churn in his inventory in 1679. But most inventories now carried mainly shop goods or other property, although some still contained pigs 15.

Moving up now to merchants: In the sixteenth century, many provincial merchants had a wide range of mercantile and non-mercantile interests, Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 445

and traded both domestically and abroad. In York, many produced malt as a side-occupation. In Exeter, a merchant invested also in farms, urban housing, a tinmill and a fulling-mill. Another restricted himself to the fi rst two. A third dealt extensively in Spanish iron, besides selling a huge miscellany of goods from his shop. Yet another invested heavily in a range of trading ventures, both inland and overseas. Merchants in York, Hull, Newcastle and other provincial towns, won the right to join the Merchants Adventurers and trade overseas, even though they also kept retail shops. On a much smaller scale, a Nantwich shopkeeper invested some £217 in various goods, including cheese, lace, cloth and hemp, for trading in Ireland in 1618 16.

The larger merchants (in the seventeenth century) also had a variety of mercantile and other investments and activities, both inland and overseas.

They participated in coastal shipping, bringing provincial products to London and sending imports to provincial centres. The really large merchants, who became aldermen and mayors in provincial towns and cities, and members of the London livery companies, were mainly involved in internal trade and distribution. Such merchants included corn-dealers, millers, butchers, brewers, salt-dealers, grocers, vintners, stationers, drapers, mercers, ironmongers, clothiers, cloth-fi nishers, cattle-dealers, sugar-refi ners, tobacco-dealers, innkeepers, hostlers, and carters. At a further remove from consumption, there were tanners and dealers in coal and lead. Those (London) merchants with overseas interests generally spread their investments geographically in two or three regions: the West Indies, West Africa, the Levant, India. In the last case, they held East India stock, but were also involved in private trades including that in diamonds. Other interests included cloth, urban property, shipping, commercial loans, mortgages, insurance and government bonds. A tailor also had farms and houses. A Newcastle merchant dealt in coal and also invested in ships, houses, and leases. A printer/bookseller owned books, printing equipment, warehouses and leases. Merchants with only one line or region of activity were the exception. A clothier’s sole assets were the cloth already sold and that held in his warehouse, while for two merchants, the Levant was their sole area of interest. Most wealthy London merchants had a country house with a few acres, and many had lands: but the latter were bought as investments, for the income they yielded. At another level, Gloucester merchants, and traders in its surrounding market towns, concentrated on urban property; very few held agricultural property 17.

Trade and Distribution: Three Examples

We now look briefl y at the distributive and trade networks that radiated out from three centres: York from the sixteenth century to the early seventeenth 446 Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy

century, Gloucester in both the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and Nor-wich in the later seventeenth century. In all three cities, merchants provided distributive services not only in stages immediately next to fi nal consumption, but also in stages further removed, as we shall see.

York and London merchants met regularly at Beverley and Howden fairs.

York merchants went regularly to fairs all round their country; York itself had three annual fairs. (Many other cities, eg. Exeter and Bristol, also had regular fairs). In addition, York had four markets held on three days a week — two of these markets were general, the others were for malt and leather. The Cathe— dral close held another general market. Meat and cattle markets were also held regularly, as also markets for two types of regional cloth, and for pigs, seafi sh and freshwater fi sh.

As mentioned before, merchants throughout these two centuries kept retail shops and shopkeepers sold both wholesale and retail, as well as intermediate quantities to pedlars and chapmen. Merchants in provincial cities and larger towns supplied shops in smaller market towns and even some villages. So York in the later sixteenth century was the major distributive centre for the north of England. Its merchants brought in grain, peas, beans, salt, fi sh; clothing accessories such as ribbons, lace, points, buttons, etc; dried fruit, wine, candles, oil, soap, frying pans, paper and a host of other goods, including furniture and books. These were then resold throughout the North. The grain, peas and beans came mostly from Eastern England and the Midlands, but the grain included Baltic rye. Salt came from Newcastle and areas near it. The fi sh came from almost the entire east coast down to Suff olk, and also from Scotland, the

Netherlands and Germany (as saltfi sh). London was the immediate source of many of the other commodities, but there were other suppliers as well: Norfolk provided starch and Essex window-glass; while dried fruit, soap, frying— pans, and paper came also from the Netherlands. Gascony, Spain and Germany supplied the wines. France supplied glass and books and furniture came from Flanders. Two Yorkshire districts supplied butter and stockings for consumption within York itself.

Moving back further from fi nal consumption: York obtained hemp, copperas and iron from London and coal from Newcastle. York merchants also directly imported fl ax, hides, wax, tallow, wainscot, pitch and iron from the

Baltic and hops from the Netherlands. Hides also came from the surrounding areas for York’s own leather industry. Malt dealers came to York from across

Yorkshire for their supplies. York pewter sold nationally and York goldsmiths dealt at the national fair in Stourbridge. Only two commodities were brought into York from diff erent parts of the North for re-export: cloth and lead. Different types of cloth came from the various weaving districts in Yorkshire. York Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 447

weavers made bedcovers and wall-hangings. The lead came from the mining areas of both Yorkshire and Derbyshire. Both commodities went to ports in

France, the Low Countries and the Baltic 18.

Gloucester and its surrounding market towns all held weekly markets.

Gloucester was much smaller than York, of course, but its merchants — grocers, mercers, drapers, haberdashers, chandlers, vintners and later, booksellers

— regularly supplied these smaller towns, where part-time and then full-time shops increased as the period progressed. The city’s merchants sold retail in the city, of course; they obtained much of their stock in London, although some came through Bristol as well. Gloucester sent large quantities of goods upriver but also distributed them overland. In the early seventeenth century, some twelve country carriers came regularly to Gloucester to collect goods;

the maximum radius was 15 miles. Two or more carriers went each week from

Gloucester to London. Towards the end of the seventeenth century, merchants’ supplies came from the continent and North America as well. In the late sixteenth century, oranges, raisins, oils and wines were already available in Gloucester (brought in from Bristol). By the late seventeenth century, there were chandlers and mercers in market towns in the region providing (among other things) woollen and linen cloth, groceries, tobacco, candles, ironmongery, wines and spirits.

Again moving further away from fi nal consumption, Gloucester in these two centuries brought in cereals and malt from the fertile agricultural districts around and sent these commodities on to Bristol. From there, the grain went to Wales, the West Country, Ireland and the Mediterranean. In the early seventeenth century, the casting trade grew considerably 19.

Norwich had three fairs a year and, in the sixteenth century, markets on three days a week. In the seventeenth century, permanent shops began to be set up near the market, and the fairs gradually declined. In that century, Norwich distributed dried fruit, spices, cloth from other regions, ironmongery, books, etc, to other parts of Norfolk, bringing many of the goods from London.

Shops were also found in rural parishes of East Anglia, as we have already seen.

Norwich was a grain and cattle market as well — ie. its merchants also provided distributive services further removed from fi nal consumption. Norfolk’s agricultural outputs went through Norwich to London. Cattle were also brought in from Scotland for fattening near the city. London dealers were active in buying both corn and livestock 20.

Analytically: in the course of these two centuries, there is a distinct and defi - nite shift away from agricultural involvements for both shopkeepers and merchants. By the late seventeenth century, even the wealthiest London merchants 448 Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy

have no interest in becoming landed gentry, while shopkeepers with any livestock or other agricultural activity are hardly found. There is now a very broad specialisation in distributive functions. That is, suffi cient outputs are now coming forward to require such distributive investments to get these outputs to the fi nal consumers. But such consumption goods are insuffi cient to permit specialisation to go further, whether by commodity, overseas region or stage of distribution. Merchants and shopkeepers are involved not only in wholesale and retail transactions closer to fi nal consumption but also in distributive stages further removed, as with yarn and wool. Merchants also provide commercial fi nance and urban properties, both housing and workshops, and also engage in production activities, such as malting.

In all these cases, we have yet more instances of the same production unit

(the merchant and his capital) producing two or more outputs or services that help to form very diff erent links in the production chain leading to fi nal consumption. Some of these outputs or services are utilised in stages closer to, and others in stages more remote from, the fi nal stage. In every case, the question is still, the position of the output or service in the investment chain, relative to the fi nal link — fi nal consumption.

Wholesale — The Beginnings

A distinct and defi nite wholesale marketing network did develop during this period, mainly in agricultural commodities and cloth, but also in many craft goods. As we shall see, this network dealt not only in commodities closer to fi nal consumption, such as corn, dairy products, fi sh, meat, etc, but also in goods in stages further removed. Malt and yarn, for example, were somewhat further from fi nal consumption, while wool was yet more “distant”. Although the size of the transactions clearly indicate a wholesale trade, there was nevertheless no full specialisation as yet: many of the participants had more than one occupational interest.

Substantial quantities of agricultural commodities came through into the distribution stage, from previous stages of production. The other side of this coin was increased investment in distributive facilities, both wholesale and retail, and the development of an entirely new wholesale, interregional distributive network. A new type of travelling merchant grew up, as well as new mercantile customs and practices.

Market Towns

These two centuries saw market towns expanding, both physically and in the range of commodities traded, especially after 1570. Existing market Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 449

areas were used for specifi c goods, according to region: corn, malt, fi sh, meat, horses, etc. These areas were now expanded and new market sites were developed, eg for cattle in Liverpool. Additional commodities, such as wool, were now traded and new franchises sought accordingly. Every county had new market towns; many operated for a time before obtaining formal charters.

Many of the main Lancashire towns were established in this period. Some market towns were re-founded, with additional shops and other facilities. In many towns, market houses were rebuilt and new market crosses were erected for the sale of particular products — cheese, butter, fish, hemp, etc. New shops or even an entire street were added in many towns; some individual shops were quite large. Even though some market towns disappeared, the total growth in all provincial centres taken together, exceeded that of London and Westminster 21.

Previously, the quantities of goods traded on market days had been very much smaller and it was to these relatively smaller quantities that the existing methods of levying tolls and conducting market days had been adjusted.

But the quantities now being traded were so huge, compared to previous periods, that these methods of collecting tolls were overwhelmed and rendered unworkable.

Thus, most towns had offi cial beams at which goods were weighed; the tolls went to the town government. Only shopkeepers were allowed to have

“private” balances. As quantities increased, so did these revenues. Goods weighed at “private” beams were liable to seizure and forfeiture, to the lord of the market or the Crown. But town beams were now swamped. For example at Doncaster, the four offi cial weightsmen could not handle the huge quantities of wool traded, so the larger merchants had to be allowed to negotiate the amounts they would pay as toll. Further, it was alleged that these offi cials themselves traded largely in wool and tried to blackmail many smaller sellers. In the larger cloth towns, the quantities of wool and yarn were so great that private beams were used. In 1595 in Yeovil, a second cheese and butter beam was set up, but the ownership and right to tolls was then disputed.

Private beams were established in a number of other towns to weigh the particular goods traded there; sometimes the diff erent owners were in open confl ict 22.

Town offi cials found revenues increasing from the rental of stalls on market days. Burgesses of a town generally had the right to set up pens, stalls or covered counters in front of their houses on market days and let these out. These incomes grew substantially so many townsmen began simply assuming such rights.

Where town governments levied tolls, “foreigners” — who did not belong to the town — paid up to twice as much as townsmen, who might even pay nothing at all. Therefore, many traders from more and more towns claimed they were exempt from tolls in other towns where they traded regularly, or indeed throughout England. Some Welshmen refused to pay toll at border towns. Town offi cials and local townsmen naturally contested these claims in many instances.

Where tolls had fallen into desuetude, individuals and town governments obtained or renewed Crown charters in many cases, and attempted to collect these charges. Many such attempts foundered, however, as market-users simply refused to pay. Such refusals came not only from townsmen and country folk, but also from larger graziers, traders and the like, who had put up stalls without licence. The main basis was that such tolls had never been levied before. Beyond this, there were disputes over the rights to set up beams, stalls, pens, etc; over the tolls to be levied on livestock, and so on 23.

In other respects, too, a “pitched” market gradually became untenable. Trading began and ended at set times, that allowed the most distant villagers to reach town and toll to be taken in kind from every sack of grain. Town offi cials inspected and stamped cloth and leather; they supervised markets in such goods as dairy products, fi sh and meat; they supplied or checked the balances, weights and measures used. The prices and qualities of bread, ale and beer were prescribed. But as quantities both of goods and traders rose, these offi cial tolls and directives became unworkable. More and more retail trade, especially in non-perishables, moved into shops, as we saw earlier –i.e, there were continuing rather than periodic sales at retail level. Many markets also became more and more specialised, dealing in only one or a very few commodities. And beyond this, the quantities of agricultural commodities changing hands grew so large that periodic markets simply could not handle the fl ow; a distinct system of “private” — wholesale — trade developed (see further) 24.

During the years 1500-1640, there were some 800 market towns in England and Wales. Market specialisation, however, was by commodity, and two or more specialised markets could be held in the same town at different times, as with cattle and sheep markets in the Midlands, or the grain, wool and cattle markets of Exeter. There were around 459 such specialised markets in this period. For clarity, we may arrange these into groups (number of markets in brackets): grain (133), malt (26), butter and cheese (12), fruit (6); fi sh (30+), poultry and wildfowl (21); cattle (92), sheep (32), pigs (14), horses (13); wool and yarn (30+), cloth (27+), linen (8), hemp (4); leather and products (11). Thus, these specialised markets all dealt in items relating directly or indirectly to mass consumption: foodstuff s, livestock, cloth and inputs, and leather goods. In other words, it Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 451

was such mass consumption commodities whose outputs had risen so enormously as to require separate specialised markets. Beyond this, there were other, more specifi c, such markets: in eels; caps; stockings; wooden taps, handles and spoons; farm implements. Even here the goods involved are for mass consumption purposes, direct or indirect. Some regional specialisation also appeared. In the East, its specialised markets dealt in: grain (46), livestock (30 — cattle, poultry, pigs, sheep), malt (15), fi sh (10), butter and cheese (4); while in the South, the specialisms were grain and cattle. The Midlands’ specialised markets dealt predominantly in livestock (53 — cattle, sheep, horses, pigs), grain (19) and leather (6). In the West of England, wool, yarn and cloth markets were the most signifi cant, followed by cattle (24), grain (17), butter and cheese (5), leather and gloves (3). In the North, the specialisms were grain (25), cattle (17), wool and yarn (9), and cloth (9) 25.

Thus, the country was already divided broadly into grain, livestock and cloth producing areas. Grain went from East Anglia to the cloth regions in the North and West and to the manufacturing and livestock areas in the Midlands, with many of the latter being supplied through the northern corn markets. Livestock generally travelled to the cloth and manufacturing regions and also to the grain areas 26. Thus, a transport network was the other side of this coin: these complementary investments will be examined below.

Fairs

Many fairs already existed, but they developed greatly in this period. They were held in market towns, but also in very small places with no other distinction. Stourbridge was the single major national fair. Hence, it was general:

virtually the entire range of manufactured consumer goods was traded there.

The commodities included domestic metalware, such as kettles, cutlery, frying— pans, jacks and pewter; and grindstones, featherbeds and glass. Mercers, haberdashers, drapers, potters, gunsmiths and jewellers were present. Smaller production goods were also traded: eg. baskets, skips, pails, hurdles, spokes, nails, shovels, and pack saddles. Otherwise, Stourbridge was a major outlet for wool and hops. The latter came from Kent, Essex and Suff olk to go to the North, the

West of England and the east Midlands. Some hops were also traded at fairs in

Kent, Surrey and Hampshire 27.

Most fairs, however, specialised in one or a few items. The largest fairs dealt in livestock: cattle, sheep and horses. Those in the Midlands were entrepots for all other regions. Substantial numbers of animals were involved, both in total and in individual transactions. Over 220 cattle were driven from the north-west and west to two fairs in Essex. At Maidstone, a small Kent landowner bought 50 head of northern cattle. At various sheep 452 Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy

fairs, the total numbers changing hands ranged from 3,800 to 30,000. There were smaller sheep and cattle fairs as well. The bulk of the cattle at all fairs, large and small, were sold in the surrounding areas. But fairs also served to transfer cattle by stages, from the livestock areas of the West and North to the grain areas of the South and East. Horse fairs specialised by type: cart— horses, riding horses, bloodstock. Nearly every county had a few fairs for draughthorses. In each region, some of the larger fairs also traded in domestic metal goods and farming implements. Smaller fairs dealt in pigs, poultry and wildfowl and fi sh. Other commodities with their own fairs, included cheese, woollen cloth, linen, and leather, shoes and gloves. — Again, it is the mass consumption goods that are traded in all these fairs: the quantities being produced are so large that specialised wholesale marketing facilities are needed.

Private Trade

Over and above these new distributive channels, an entirely new wholesale network developed — such were the quantities of agricultural and other outputs now arriving at this production stage. “Private” trade emerged from the

“pitched” market. As production expanded, substantial farmers, millers, maltsters, brewers and other merchants continued their dealings at the inns around the market. Continued output growth impelled these “private” arrangements into an independent life, especially after 1570. New mercantile methods and practices led to the growth of an interregional trade network, which was well developed by the early seventeenth century, and covered the country by 1640.

This network included carriers and packmen as well as dealers in various commodities such as wool, linen, etc. In other words, transport investments were integral to the trade network.

Traders and merchants now travelled regularly to deal directly with both suppliers and customers. Buyers were met wherever convenient. Agreements with farmers were concluded at their farms, or at warehouses or inns. Maltsters and brewers inspected and purchased standing crops. Timber was also bought standing. The quantities of wool at Doncaster market were so large, that some buyers accepted the seller’s word on weight. Transactions were now interlinked so that a local shortage of barley, for example, was transmuted into supply failures further down the chain 28.

Merchants worked in family partnerships and through factors in the other provincial towns; there were also independent factors. Merchants now needed staff to keep order books, correspondence, and accounts. Literacy and numeracy became even more essential at all levels, and especially Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 453

for the new clerks. Specialists developed, in particular items such as dyestuff s and horses; these specialists were called on to settle disputes. Credit depended on personal standing and reputation. An Ipswich merchant changed both name and residence several times in the 1560’s, but since Ipswich men always reported him on sight, he was still pursued by his creditors.

With drovers and others travelling to all regions, there also now developed an interregional credit network. Here too local failure was now transmitted to other points 29.

There were many contemporaneous complaints about the personal qualities of merchants and dealers 30. Their greed, covetousness and acquisitive nature were all glaringly visible. Their adventure and entrepreneurship were far less visible, but the interregional trade network which was developing was altogether invisible. Such a network could not have been created consciously by the thousands of dealers who were, in any case, only intermediaries amongst individuals in diff erent regions. Everyone helped to produce goods consumed in other regions, and everyone in their turn bought what everyone in other regions produced.

Local trade centred on the periodic markets in market towns; interregional and wholesale trade centred on inns. Practically all market towns and large villages had inns. There were over 1,600 inns, spread over 25 counties, in the late 1570’s. Innkeepers often acted as brokers, bringing merchants and farmers together. Innkeepers also provided other facilities: for storage of goods, for holding sheep, and, on droving routes, suffi cient pasturage nearby.

— By the beginning of the seventeenth century, many inns had specialised in particular commodities: eg. malt, linen, wool, woad. Merchants, dyers, farmers, malt dealers, clothiers — all converged on such specialist inns from nearby centres and also from contiguous counties. One Somerset inn regularly held sales of wool and linen, its various rooms fi lled with merchants’

packs and the travelling dealers themselves. Many innkeepers had related interests themselves: they dealt in corn or malt or invested in river boats for transporting goods 31.

Alan Everitt examined some 800 cases from Chancery and Requests, the bulk from the years 1570-1640. Two-thirds of these cases involved corn, sheep and wool and the same proportion came from the East and the Midlands together. But these cases clearly illustrate the rise and signifi cance of non-local trade. As Table 9.4 shows, in all regions except the South, and for most of the major agricultural commodities except wood, the larger proportion of “private” transactions occurred across county or regional boundaries.

Table 9.4

Non-local Trade

(Percent of 800 cases: see text)

Same Different County, Different

RegionCounty — %Same Region — %Region — %

East364519

South622117

West463519

Midlands323632

North371944

ALL ENGLAND423523

Commodity

Corn464013

Cattle413029

Sheep463718

Wool342838

Wood6733—

Miscellaneous263242

Source: Everitt, AHEW, Vol IV: Table 17, p. 550.

Taking particular examples: A Huntingdon farmer-factor bought wool from a Bedfordshire farmer, financing the transaction from a Wimbledon lender, and looked for a purchaser in Gloucestershire. A factor bought peas in

Huntingdon for a Lincolnshire farmer, the goods to be delivered in Peterborough. Lancashire linenmen had customers in six other counties 32.

At a broader level: there was a continuous regional interchange of diff erent types of foodstuff s. Thus, the diff erent sorts of cheese and butter were traded

— the diff erences depending partly on the type of feed (hay or grass). So too, various types of mutton and beef were exchanged, according to the kind of feed

(grass, turnips or coleseed) and time of slaughter. Particular districts also specialised in lamb and veal. Livestock areas imported not only grain but also butter and cheese 33.

The quantities involved in this wholesale trade network were substantial, even by the late sixteenth century: 340 sheep; 1,218 sheep worth £406;

2,460 sheep worth £2,820; 5,000 sheepskins; 200 tods of wool valued at

£305; 5,090 fl eeces worth £790; 6,000 coneyskins; the annual output of a rabbit warren; the entire crop of several orchards; £500 worth of malt; £300 Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 455

of beer; thousands of chickens; 40 to 100 dozen stockings; a thousand quarters of malt; etc 34.

The wholesale distribution of cloth also developed in this period. A great deal of wholesaling was done through various cloth fairs and at Stourbridge.

Blackwell Hall in London was the country’s largest single export centre, it also redistributed cloth within England. Sale by sample of textiles and hosiery was already practiced by the early sixteenth century and, in London, clothiers and merchants dealt by sample: the volume of cloth was so great it went to warehouses. Even so, several annexes were added to Blackwell Hall, which was rebuilt and then extended twice. Leadenhall was also used for cloth sales.

Norfolk cloth was exempt from the ‘aulnage’ levied on other fabrics and it was traded in inns and warehouses. Cloth from other regions also began to bypass

Blackwell Hall and this trade expanded considerably. London factors now developed, to whom country clothiers simply consigned their outputs, for sale to merchants. Factors, in turn, supplied dyestuff s and specialised raw materials to clothiers.

In provincial centres as well, the volume of cloth outgrew pitched markets and wholesale dealing moved into warehouses and inns, by the early seventeenth century. By the middle of the century, some wholesalers were themselves intermediaries, collecting various fabrics from clothiers for dispatch to

London factors, who then sold on to merchants. Two such Lancashire wholesalers also dealt extensively in wool, buying it through their London factor, and also from provincial centres like Coventry and Leicester 35.

Lastly, the wholesale trade in leather and gloves. “Leather-sellers” were already established in London by the late sixteenth century, supplying material to glovers. Previously, these wholesale dealers had been working craftsmen themselves. London merchants purchased leather and gloves in the West of England, from where glovers also sent wholesale quantities to London for resale throughout the country 36.

The metalware trades produced both consumption and production goods, so their wholesale and retail network distributed both types of goods. We outline here how consumption items were distributed through this network 37.

Sheffi eld factors sent cutlery — knives — wholesale to London agents who sold to country retailers and dealers. By the early seventeenth century, output had risen to the point where carriers travelled weekly to London and Sheffi eld factors now sold there themselves, to dealers from the country. Some Sheffi eld merchants also now resided in London. By the later seventeenth century, cutlery was sold extensively in the American colonies. The ironmasters of the

Sheffi eld district sold frying pans to dealers and retailers in York, Newcastle, 456 Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy

other Northern towns, Manchester and London. In the later seventeenth century the export of frying pans rose considerably, through London merchants.

The wholesale ironmongers from the metalware areas of the West Midlands sold household items, such as locks, pots and pans, hearth furniture, hooks, hinges, irons, etc, to London wholesalers for on-sale to retailers in southern and eastern England. But by the early seventeenth century, the growth in output was such that Midland ironmongers also went themselves to London, to meet and supply country dealers there. The ironmongers had a warehouse in

Leadenhall as City regulations required. But they also dealt elsewhere in the

City with provincial merchants and retailers, and a West Bromwich factor kept a shop in Whitechapel — all against City regulations. From the early seventeenth century onwards, Midlands ironmongers began sending family members — sons, brothers, cousins, in-laws — to live in London and provide direct two-way contacts with wholesalers and retailers, from London and elsewhere.

These family members sent back information on prices, to help their Midlands relatives settle the prices to be paid for metalware. By the middle of the seventeenth century, all these trading practices had become so well-established that

City ordinances against them became unenforceable.

From the sixteenth century onwards Midlands ironmongers maintained regular commercial ties with retailers in the expanding, prosperous market towns of southern England — from East Anglia through to Oxford and then across to Bristol. Midlands merchants travelled regularly to market towns and fairs in East Anglia and the south-east, leaving goods with retailers and collecting payments owed. Some merchants brought back goods as well — eg, one returned to Dudley in 1644 with barrels of soap and hops. Birmingham merchants went regularly to East Anglia and King’s Lynn merchants routinely visited Birmingham.

As metalware output grew during the seventeenth century, major provincial towns such as Birmingham and Bristol became distributive centres. By mid-century, Birmingham was the main town to which London wholesalers routinely sent their orders. There were no ‘open’ markets for metalwares in the West Midlands; all dealings were ‘private’, between ironmonger and purchaser.

In the late seventeenth century, Robert Foley, of the Foley iron family, became an ironmonger. He sent goods regularly to a Birmingham wholesaler.

He had a warehouse and agent in Bristol and in London, and sold metalware in Southampton. Through his Bristol establishment he sold to numbers of

West Country merchants and retailers. By now retail ironmongers were found in practically all English market towns; they bought from London and West Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 457

Midlands wholesalers. Retailers mostly sold other goods besides metalwares;

they generally stocked small quantities of the latter. Their range was narrower than that of e.g. chandlers or mercers. In a Staff ordshire market town not far from Birmingham, one ironmonger carried , in the 1670’s, a range of kitchenwares, including a ‘collender’ and several ‘sause’ pans; various types of locks;

other household items such as lanterns and candlesticks; saddler’s ironmongery; tools and equipment; leather goods, such as collars, reins, saddles, bellows; and other goods: hemp, fl ax, rope, cord, girth webbing; twill, haircloth;

skips, hops and ‘gluw’.

APPENDIX

Norwich. Admissions into the Freedom, 1501-

1675

Consumer Goods and Services, Individual Occupations

No. of admissions

1501-25 1651-75

Food & Drink

Baker. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 . . . . . . . . . . 58Mealseller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 1Miller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 2Butcher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 . . . . . . . . . . 27Fishmonger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 . . . . . . . . . . 5Cook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . 2Gingerbread-maker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 3Sugar-baker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 1Vintner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 1

TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 . . . . . . . . . . 100

Clothing & Footwear

Tailor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 . . . . . . . . . . 192Hosier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 38Pointmaker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 . . . . . . . . . . 1Capper . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . —Hatter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 1Glover . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 16Cobbler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 2Shoemaker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 . . . . . . . . . . —Cordwainer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 . . . . . . . . . . 115Translator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 5Patternmaker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . 1

TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 . . . . . . . . . . 371

Distributive Trades

Merchant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 22Grocer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 . . . . . . . . . . 70Draper . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 . . . . . . . . . . 2Woollendraper . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 11Linendraper . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 10Mercer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 . . . . . . . . . . 19Haberdasher . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 7Haberdasher of small wares . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 11Chandler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 2Wax-chandler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 . . . . . . . . . . 1Soapboiler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 1

TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 . . . . . . . . . . 158Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 459

No. of admissions

1501-25 1651-75

Metalware & Pottery

Brazier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . 5Pewterer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . 6Hardwareman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . —Ironmonger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 9Cutler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 10Locksmith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . 14Potter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 2

TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 . . . . . . . . . . 46

Furniture & Allied

Carpenter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 . . . . . . . . . . 46Turner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 11Joiner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 14Chairmaker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 1Upholsterer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 4Trunkmaker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 1Painter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 5

TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 . . . . . . . . . . 77

Services

Barber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 . . . . . . . . . . 34Apothecary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 11Chemist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 2Musician . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 2Surgeon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 2

TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 . . . . . . . . . . 51

Miscellaneous

Saddler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 . . . . . . . . . . 11Spurrier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . —Stationer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 6Goldsmith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 . . . . . . . . . . 7Tobacco-pipe maker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 3Gunsmith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 2Watchmaker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 1Gardener . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . — . . . . . . . . . . 2

TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 . . . . . . . . . . 32

GRAND TOTAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348 . . . . . . . . . . 835

Source: JF Pound, Tudor and Stuart Norwich, App. II.

F O O T N O T E S C H A P T E R 9

1. T.S. Willan, The Inland Trade (Manchester U.P., 1976) pp 50-63, and Ch. 3; JohnPatten, “Changing occupational structures in the East Anglian countryside, 1500-1700” in H.S.A Fox and R.A.Butlin (eds) Change in the Countryside (London: Institute of British Geographers, 1978) pp. 108-112; idem, “Urban occupations in pre-industrial England,” Trans. Inst. Brit. Geographers, new ser; 2 (1977) p. 304; P.J.

Corfi eld, “A provincial capital in the late seventeenth century: the case of Norwich”

in P. Clark (ed) The Early Modern Town (1976) pp 253-54; John Patten, English

Towns 1500-1700 ( ) p. 165, 186.

2. Carole Shammas, Pre-Industrial Consumer, pp. 197-203, 211-214; 226-248.

3. Shammas, Pre-industrial…, pp. 197-202. Quote about food shops: p. 198. “substantial expenditure”: p. 199.

4. Shammas, Pre-industrial…, “standard items”, “broadcloth coat”: p. 199. Woollen suit, “furnishings”: p. 212. Advance payment: p. 197. Shopkeepers’ accounts: pp.

243-46. Cash: pp. 198-99.

5. Shammas, Pre-industrial… shops: pp. 228, 229 (tables) Guides: p. 230.

6. Everitt, “Farm labourers”, AHEW, Vol IV, pp. 418, 457.

7. Everitt, pp. 425-29, for by-employments, esp. Table 9 (p. 428) Labourers’ livestock:

Table 7 (p. 415)

8. These groups: Willan, pp. 70, 53 (butchers, fairs); craftsmen — retailers: Patten,

“Changing…”, p. 106; also see pp. 110-112 and 116; Worcester pewterer: Willan, p. 57. See also Richard Grassby, “The personal wealth of the business community in seventeenth century England”, Econ. Hist. Rev. 23 (1970) pp. 222-23.

9. Broadcloth quote: Kerridge, Textile Manufactures, p. 21. Shammas, Pre-indus-trial…, “cash transactions”, p. 243. Other distributive trades: Patten, “Changing…”

p. 106; English Towns, pp. 153-54; Willan, pp. 79-80; Wymondham/non-markettowns: English Towns, pp. 254, 283 (diagrams). Pedlard with books: Willan p. 78.

10. Patten’s data: “Changing…”, Tables I and II. Rural trades: ibid, p. 108; also very small places with trades. Rural proportion: Patten, English Towns, p. 286.

11. Gloucester material: Peter Ripley, “Village and town: occupations and wealth in the hinterland of Gloucester, 1660-1700”, Agric. Hist. Rev., 32 (1984), p. 172 (Table 1):market towns, pp. 170-71: distance from Gloucester.

12. Exeter merchant: W.G. Hoskins, “The Elizabethan merchants of Exeter”, in P. Clark

(ed) The Early Modern Town (1976) pp. 153-54; Ipswich: Patten, “Urban occupations…”, pp. 304-305; stocks in sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: Willan, Chs.

2, 3; Medicines: Patten, “Urban…”, p. 303; Chandlers/saddlers: Willan, p. 79.

13. Non-market towns in East Anglia: Patten, English Towns, pp. 254, 283; idem,“Changing…”, p. 108; Lancashire, 1590-1603: Willan, p. 60. Tokens: pp.88-89.

14. Oakham: Patten, English Towns, pp. 168-69; Chester…, Willan, p. 59; Northampton…, W.G. Hoskins, “English provincial towns in the early sixteenth century”, in P.

Clark (ed) The Early Modern Town (1976), Table 4.2 and p. 99; East Anglian towns:Patten, English Towns, pp. 254, 283; Norwich: Willan, p. 59; regulations in Norwich: Corfi eld, p. 241; High Wycombe: Patten, English Towns, p. 168.

15. Farmers: Patten, English Towns, p. 155; rural craftsmen: idem, “Changing…”, p.

110; large/small towns: Willan, p. 64; Great Yarmouth: English Towns, pp. 152-53;Manchester/Lancashire: Willan, pp. 64, 63; Leicester: English Towns, pp. 152-53; Early Modern England | Sudha Shenoy 461

seventeenth century: Willan p. 99; Beds. Maltster, market towns: Everitt, AHEW,Vol IV, pp. 549, 490.

16. York: D.M. Palliser, “York under the Tudors: the trading life of the Northern capital”, in Alan Everitt (ed) Perspectives in English Urban History (1973), p. 48. Exeter:Hoskins, “Elizabethan…”, pp. 153-54, 156-57; Merchants Adventurers, Nantwich shopkeeper: Willan, pp. 57, 81.

17. Richard Grassby, “English merchant capitalism in the late seventeenth century”, Past and Present, no. 46, Feb. 1970, pp. 96-97 (large merchants/ provincial examples);

pp. 91-93 (London merchants); R.G. Lang, “Social origins and social aspirations of

Jacobean London merchants”, Econ. Hist. Rev, 28 (1970) pp. 40-41, 45-47 (countryhouses, etc), Gloucester merchants: Ripley, pp. 177-78.

18. Palliser, “York…”, pp. 46-55, 57 (redistribution of consumer goods); pp. 51, 46-47

(other goods); p. 48 (malt dealers); p. 47 (pewter, goldsmiths). Starch: Thirsk, Eco-nomic Policy, p. 86, hides: L.A. Clarkson, “Leather crafts…”, p. 33.

19. Ripley, p. 177 (weekly markets); pp. 172, 173 (17th century material), stock from

London/Bristol; carriers; sixteenth century material; cereals, malt, etc: Peter

Clark, “‘The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good:’ Urban Change and Political Radicalism at Gloucester, 1540-1640”, in Jonathan Barry, ed, The Tudor and Stuart Town: A

Reader, 1530-1688 (Longman, 1990) pp. 251, 257.

20. Corfi eld, pp. 252-54.

21. Everitt, AHEW, Vol IV, pp. 475-82; p. 484 (shops); p. 502 (market towns after 1570);p. 483 (restricted sites); pp. 479, 514, 542 (provincial growth vs London).

22. Everitt, op. cit: pp. 482-83, 502, 503.

23. Everitt, pp. 485, 506 (exempt from tolls), 487 (Welshmen), 482 (contested claims), pp. 502, 504 (tolls in desuetude).

24. Everitt, p. 486 (market regulations), p. 506 (private trade).

25. Everitt, pp. 491-96.

26. Everitt, pp. 541 (Midlands — manufacturing), 551-52 (West and north), 493 (west),

499 (north), 546 (E. Anglia), 515 (interregional corn trade), 540, 542 (livestock).

27. This paragraph and the ones following, on fairs, are based on Everitt, pp. 535-37,

540-41.

28. Everitt, pp. 506 (inns), 543, 563 (after 1570), 558-59 (network), 562 (linen), 569

(farms…inns), 577 (local shortages).

29. Everitt, pp. 553-54 (partnerships, clerks), 567 (literacy), 555-56 (specialists), 572

(Ipswich merchant), 567 (local credit failure).

30. Everitt, pp. 568-69.

31. Everitt, pp. 532 (inns), 561 (brokers), 560 (facilities), 561 (innkeeper’s interests).

32. Everitt, p. 562.

33. Eric Kerridge, Trade and Banking in Early Modern England (Manchester U.P. 1988)pp. 23-24.

34. Everitt, op. cit., pp. 546, 548, 565, 554.

35. These two paras on cloth distribution are based on: G.D. Ramsay, The English Wool-len Industry, 1500-1750 (Macmillan 1982), pp. 32-33, 39-42; Kerridge, Trade, pp.

14-16, idem, Textile Manufactures, pp. 214-218; Willan, ch. 4.

36. L.A. Clarkson, “The Leather crafts in Tudor and Stuart England”, Agric. Hist. Rev.

14 (1966) pp. 28, 29, idem, “The organisation of the English leather industry in thelate sixteenth and seventeenth centuries”, Econ. Hist. Rev. 13 (1960-61), p. 252.

37. The following paragraphs are based on: David Hey, The Rural Metalworkers of the

Sheffi eld Region (Leicester: Leicester University Press 1972) pp. 37, 51, 52; idem,“The origins and early growth of the Hallamshire cutlery and allied trades”, in John

Chartres and David Hey (eds) English Rural Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1990) p. 357; Marie Rowlands, Masters and Men in the West

Midlands Metalware Trades Before the Industrial Revolution (Manchester: Manchester University Press 1975) pp. 11-12, 87-88, 94-95; Appendix 4.